A history of revolutionary Cuba

cuba's daily propaganda effort
A 1984 map, included at the end of a document on Castro’s “propaganda apparatus” as the CIA called it.This map not only made me laugh at its absurdity, but, even though the copy of the map isn’t that great, it shows the “danger” the CIA saw with communist Cuba.

This article is the second in this series, following the first one about an imagined scenario in Cuba, which focuses on the socialist nation of Cuba and the accomplishments of its government. This writer could easily fall in line, praising the “normalization” between the United States and Cuba, as proliferated in liberal discourse, and accept the supposedly “authoritarian” nature of the Cuban socialist government, which has been paraded around in the bourgeois media since 1959. Instead, this article will refute this characterization of the Cuban government and focus on Cuba’s role in liberation struggle, along with its general history in fighting off imperial destabilization efforts.

It is important to understand the history of Cuba in order to assert its place in the overall revolutionary struggle, historically and currently. This is also vital not only as a way to challenge established bourgeois conceptions of Cuba and the Cold War, while pushing back against those who claim Cuba is authoritarian instead of being what they define as a “democracy.” Some of the sources used for this article come from documents I gathered when I visited the National Archives building in College Park this past summer, specifically the CIA CREST Database located there.

I could start with the victorious Cuban Revolution but it is important to first set the stage. The trade of enslaved Africans continued until the late 19th century, shipped by the colonial Portuguese and the Spanish, the latter who controlled the island until 1898. [1] This has meant that as a result, many people in Cuba are descendants of enslaved Africans. [2] Despite the fact that revolts had sprung up in the past, including during the Ten Years War, a struggle led by wealthy Cuban planters, in the late 1890s, Cuba became a “hotbed of rebellion” with poor Black peasants joining wealthy native Whites “to liberate the Caribbean island from the grip of four centuries of Spanish occupation.”[3] While the white planters feared a takeover from Blacks, who saw a free Cuba as a path to equality, they still kept in place an alliance, allowing for revolutionary delegates to met in September 1895 to create a new Cuban Republic, with a White aristocrat as President and a Black Cubans as General-in-Chief and Second in Command of the Army. [4] As the 1890s wore on, public support for Cuba Libre, or free Cuba was growing in the United States, with the two major capitalist political parties (Democrats and Republicans) declaring their support but the U.S. President, Grover Cleveland, refused to aid Cuban rebels, at a time when U.S. business interests, which had $50 billion in agricultural investments in Cuba, “feared a truly independent Cuba,” since Cuban revolutionaries at the time “were calling for social reforms and land redistribution.” [5]

Certain newspapers stirred up support for the war, while others disagreed. The explosion of the USS Maine in Havana harbor was the spark for more advocacy in favor of a war against Spain. [6] Still, the Monthly Journal of the International Association of Machinists supported Cuban rebels and agreed that the Maine explosion was a terrible disaster but argued, rightly so, that “worker deaths in industrial accidents were met with national indifference.” [7] Additionally, cartoonists for a comic magazine, Puck, written for a “sophisticated” middle-class audience, supported the goals of US freeing Cuba from Spanish control and were somewhat wary of the “colonial overlord” role of the United States after the war in 1898. At the same time, papers like the New York World, published by Joseph Pulitzer also had a role in pro-war sentiments. Such a tabloid paper would have sold for a penny, possibly bought by an immigrant, with the yellow journalism within the paper “designed to shock and titillate readers.” Yellow papers, like the Pulitzer’s World and William Randolph Hearst’s New York Journal were engaged in a fierce contest to “cover” the Cuban government but were fed information by the Cuban Junta, which was “composed of sympathizers and exiles of the Cuban rebellion,” a bit like the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR). Both papers were trying to appeal to a mass audience, mainly by immigrants who were learning English like Italians, Germans, and Russians, and gaining a profit of course, with circulation sometimes topping a million copies a day. [8]

The United States had defeated the dilapidated Spanish empire in a war billed as “anti-imperialist” to “free” Cuba. By the end of the war, the US had conquered Cuba and the Philippines, and gained the island of Guam, as a result of the Treaty of Paris and the negotiations with Spain. [9] The United States arguably had an overland empire, built on the genocidal conquest of the indigenous peoples and slavery of course, along the work of other oppressed workers of color, within what would become “America.” This changed after 1898 when the United States truly had an overseas empire, which also expanded by annexing Hawaii with a joint resolution of Congress, which some have argued is a form of prolonged occupation by the United States. Coming back to Cuba, the US became the new occupiers, refusing to let the Cubans “participate in the terms of Spain’s surrender” and they kept the structure in place with Spanish civil authorities still left in “charge of municipal offices.” [10] Ultimately, a new constitution was implemented in Cuba, likely coerced through illegal force, which made the island a protectorate and the Platt Amendment in 1901 which forced Cuba to provide the United States land for a base at Guantanamo Bay and “allowed the U.S. to intervene at any time.” [11] This development was described by the writing of one imperialist, Leonard Wood, then-Military Governor of Cuba to another, Theodore Roosevelt, with Wood declaring that “there is, of course, little or no independence left in Cuba under the Platt Amendment.” [11]

In following years, a client government was implemented in Cuba in 1901, racial segregation was imposed, and the county was eventually burdened with the Batista dictatorship and its “mafia-capitalist class.” [12] This meant that Cuba was not a “fully sovereign space” due to imperial meddling by the United States, which led to a conception of Cuba, in the U.S. perspective, of being passive in the face of their actions and “protected by its protector.” [13] Cuba was under US subservience with the client and puppet dictatorship of Batista leading to “misery in the countryside and urban slums” combined with what one scholar calls “a millionaire’s playground of casinos and brothels for US tourists and organized crime.” [14] In part of an interview in The Black Panther, the newspaper of the Black Panther Party, an unnamed revolutionary says that before the Cuban Revolution, “Cuba was very corrupt” with a lot of robbery, gambling, and “ownership of large estates of land by a small absentee oligarchy or foreign corporations” or latifundism as he called it. [15] He also argued that peasants were exploited by latifundists, who didn’t work, who had others cultivate the land for them. [15]

In the 1950s, a groundshaking change would send shockwaves of revolution across the Caribbean and make the murderous imperialists shake in their boots in fear. In 1957, Herbert Matthews of the New York Times interviewed Fidel Castro, making the revolutionary movement in Cuba known “to the rest of the world.” [16] The CIA, in a sneering fashion, claimed that Fidel had an “instinct for the value of international propaganda,” claiming that Matthews, in three articles, “gave an almost heroic impression of the Cuban revolutionary,” along with agreements with CBS, and noted that nightly shortwave radio broadcasts opened what they called “the second phase of Castro’s propaganda war against Batista.” [17] An upheaval caused by Batista’s dictatorial rule led to a guerrilla war begun in 1956 by a group of small group of men, including Fidel and Che Guevara. When this group of men, numbering over 80, tried to invade Cuba from Mexico, they were reduced by brutal assaults by Batista’s soldiers to fewer than 20, with the survivors fleeing into the Sierra Maesta mountains. [18] Only two years later, in part because of the ferocity and intransigence of Batista, which “fueled peasant support for the guerrillas” and a number of other factors, numerous “political parties, landowners, and businesses” had joined in the struggle, with the guerrilla force growing into a rebel army. [14] Not long after, Fidel launched a nationwide offensive with Che’s forces splitting the country in two and Batista fleeing to the Dominican Republic, in early 1959, allowing the revolutionary forces to sweep into Havana. [14] This overthrow not only “accentuated the tendency towards radicalization” and freed the country from foreign imperial occupation by the United States, but it disrupted the reading of Cuba by United States as an object it could exploit. [19] At the same time, this revolution, had a huge impact on thinking in the Latin American Left with many convinced that the revolutions in underdeveloped countries could be triggered by a small nuclei of guerrillas, leading to a “wave of unsuccessful attempts to repeat the Cuban experience across Latin America.” [14] As a Black Panther in prison, Romane Fitzgerald, put it, the “theory and practice of protracted warfare based upon guerrilla attacks” was not only a way to defeat capitalism and imperialism but a way of seizing political power, a method, in his view, which was carried through in China, Korea, Vietnam, and Algeria. [20]

In the 1960s, in its wean years of existence, the Cuban government came under intensified imperialist assault by the United States. As Fidel Castro said in a 1961 interview, the revolution was a socialist one, and that imperialism can “choose between suicide and natural death. If it attacks, it means suicide, a fast and certain death. If it does not attack, it can hope to last a little longer.” In the interview, Fidel also said that they destroyed “a tyrannical system…the philoimperialist bourgeois state apparatus…there is no longer anything good we can expect from the national bourgeoisie as a class…the socialist camp [he talks about Soviet Union and Czech Republic]…are our friends.” For the imperial United States, it placed an importance first on stopping “another Cuba” in the hemisphere, and on “another Nicaragua” in later years, by trying to pre-empt further revolutions with the launch of the anti-communist Alliance for Progress under which the US “gave money and advice for agrarian reform programmes in countries such as Chile, Colombia, and Venezuela.” [21] Not only did the future seem to have a revolutionary tone after the Cuban revolution, but the Soviet Union championed itself as “Cuba’s protector.” [22] While the murderous US empire tried to determine the nature of Castro’s disruption and what it meant, the Kennedy administration intensified its measures to squeeze Cuba to death. [23] One of these was the failed Bay of Pigs invasion, the “foreign policy blunder” that led to US credibility and hegemony actively doubted in the aftermath of this imperialist effort by an army of Cuban exiles. [24] While Adlai Stevenson, US ambassador to the UN, laughably denied U.S. involvement in this armed invasion of Cuba, it was clear that this this CIA operation was a U.S. effort to overthrow the Cuban government. [25] This backfire was even predicted by senior Pentagon officers in 1961, who had planned to use air power to “win the day,” but that didn’t happen and the whole operation ended up being a fiasco. [26] This is invasion is relevant considering that Cuba recently celebrated 55 years since its historic victory at the Bay of Pigs, by forces led personally by Fidel Castro, within 72 hours, against what the Cuban government rightly described as “the infamous U.S. organized and financed mercenary invasion” and as “the first major defeat of U.S. imperialism in the Americans.” This anniversary happens to coincide with the session of the 7th Cuban Communist Party Congress, which recently finished its session, with details explained in the future article in this series.

Despite the Cuban victory in the Bay of Pigs, the imperial monster charged forward. In 1962 there was the Cuban missile crisis, which some, even those sympathetic to covering imperialism honestly, call Kennedy’s “greatest foreign-policy success.” [27] The problem with this viewpoint is it implies that Kennedy was completely rational. Additionally, it falls in line with Kennedy’s lies in his speech about the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, in which he declared laughably that the United States was patient, restrained a “peaceful and powerful nation” that acted in self-defense and “of the entire Western Hemisphere” that implemented a “strict quarantine on all offensive military equipment” shipped to Cuba, “close surveillance of Cuba and its military buildup” and reinforced the illegal Guantanamo military base. [28] While some could claim this is rational, it is not. As Lance Selfa puts it, Kennedy brought the world the closest it has been to “global holocaust,” and holding the world hostage for over two weeks after which Nikita Khrushchev of the Soviet Union agreed to remove nuclear missiles from Cuba. [29] This irrationality is obvious in the fact that American leaders, namely Kennedy and his advisers, “were prepared to place millions of American lives at risk” so they could maneuver against the Soviet Union. [30] At the same time, in a 1962 presentation almost echoing Colin Powell’s presentation to the UN Security Council before the Iraq war in 2003, with pictures of the missiles held by a US delegation, Adlai Stevenson declared that there were Russian nuclear missiles in Cuba, that the Soviets were at fault and  covered stuff up, but that the United States isn’t, but he clearly left out that “the United States had placed nuclear missiles in Turkey that were pointed at the Soviet Union.” [31] Even a CIA document admitted in 1962 that not only would Cuban armed forces be capable of resisting and repelling any invasion either by US-trained guerrillas or by US military forces, but the “provision of military equipment and instructions,” implying nuclear weapons, was “essentially defensive.” [32] At a meeting of the U.S. Intelligence Board (USIB) in September 19, 1962 they also declared that the main purpose of the military build-up in Cuba was to “strengthen the Communist regime…against…a danger that the U.S. may attempt by one means or another to overthrow it.” [32]

The Bay of Pigs was only one of the many imperial destabilization efforts aimed at revolutionary Cuba. CIA was already visibly annoyed that Cuba’s press, which it described as “Castro-controlled,” argued that US policies toward Cuba were aggressive and used the U-2 incident to bolster these arguments, along with “Khrushchev’s diatribes.” [33] Before getting to more US destabilization efforts it is important to recognize the role of the Organization of American States (OAS) as an imperialist weapon. A 1985 CIA document declares the following: “since 1959, the OAS has sanctioned Castro Cuba a number of times for its export of subversion, which the OAS has considered a form of armed aggression.” [34] The document then goes on to list a number of anti-Cuba actions by the OAS such as forcing “invading” Cubans in Panama to surrender in 1959; condemning supposed “Cuban subversion” in 1961; excluding the Cuban government from OAS participation in 1962; authorizing measures, including use of force, aimed at Cuba in 1962; voting for sanctions against Cuba 1963-4; and condemning Cuba and extending sanctions in 1967. [34] For the 1964 sanctions, the OAS imposed “mandatory sanctions,” with them only expelled from the OAS two years earlier and Joao Goulart overthrown by a US-backed coup in Brazil earlier that year; at the same time, Cuba’s “sense of isolation and vulnerability” deepened in the years of 1963 and 1964 with defeats of guerrilla movements in Venezuela, Peru and Argentina along with Salvador Allende losing the 1964 presidential elections. [35] Rightly so, the Cuban government doesn’t wish to be a member of the OAS, with Fidel Castro calling it the “Ministry of Colonies” in 1972. Not only did the OAS participate in antidemocratic actions since Cuba was excluded from participation but its decisions were imposed unilaterally, showing that it really was an extension of the murderous empire.

The US imperial efforts went beyond the efforts of OAS exclusion and sanctions. Most famously, there was the imposition of a blockade. Even the U.S. intelligence community admitted that a blockade itself would not “bring down the Castro regime” and discussed how the Soviets, would in their conception, “exert strong pressures elsewhere to end the blockade,” and that an invasion by the U.S. would lead to “retaliatory actions outside Cuba” by the Soviets, but that they would not provoke conflict. [32] As a Cuban site about the blockade notes, the measures adopted by the new post-1959 Cuban government to recover Cuban wealth “constituted a mortal blow to the biggest North American monopolies which has plundered Cuban resources” for more than fifty years and dominated the country. The site also said that the response of the United States was “fast and abrasive” with sanctions piled on top of sanctions, resulting in an economic war imposed in Cuba for more than four decades. The same site also said that the blockade, under international law, is an “act of war,” imposed under section 620A of the Foreign Act of 1961 by Kennedy, constituting a “group of coercive measures and economic aggression” and is more adequately defined as a blockade than an embargo since it hinders “Cuba’s development of economic, commercial and financial relations with third countries.”

The Kennedy administration led the destabilization efforts against Cuba. As an article on Kennedy’s presidency in Dissident Voice notes, Kennedy implemented the “infamous quarantine” against Cuba during the Cuban Missile Crisis, opposed President Joao Goulart of Brazil because of his “independent stand in foreign policy,” and feared that Trujillo in Dominican Republic, “a dictator and authoritarian who instituted a reign of terror,” would follow the model of Cuba. The article also describes Operation Mongoose, which included operations such as the CIA blowing up a factory in Cuba which killed about 400 people, or the Cuban Project which was one of the biggest terrorist operations as some describe it, with a goal to help Cubans “overthrow the Communist regime from within Cuba and institute a new government.” In a manner that almost seems like a conspiracy theory some detractors would say would be peddled on some right-wing blog, was part of Cuban Project called Operation Northwoods, which included staging assassinations of Cubans within the United States, creating a fake “Communist Cuban terror campaign” in certain parts of the US, have a real or simulated sinking of a “boatload of Cuban refugees,” faking a Cuban attack on a civilian jetliner, and blowing up a U.S. ship within Cuban waters. Then these would be blamed on the Cubans, like how the explosion of the USS Maine was blamed on the Spanish and then used to start the war in 1898, and start a war with Cuba. As the article noted, Operation Mongoose means that “those in the highest levels of government were basically formulating terrorist attacks, and this time it’s no conspiracy theory.”

What has been explained about the criminal actions of Operation Mongoose is only part of the story. This Kennedy-authorized operation, began in November 1961 [36] and supposedly ended in October 1962, but seems to have gone on beyond this point, with some arguing it went into the 1980s. It is important to note that not only did Bobby Kennedy play a major role in the six-phase operation, but advocated for the Cuban blockade. So, don’t try to peddle some Kennedy myths here. As the Church Committee documents, the US government thought they could actually overthrow Castro, which was a “top priority,” through the methods of coordinating with angry Cuban exiles and engaging in acts of sabotage. [37] The operation, as other documents show, not only was trying to cause an “internal revolt” against Castro and cause chaos in Cuba, with “sabotage operations” supposedly ended in 1962. [38] This end seems too tidy considering anti-Castro terrorist activity in 1963, Cuban dissident groups encouraged covertly by the CIA, and escalating covert operations that same year, along with much more. [39] After all, the Joint Chiefs of Staff planned destabilization in Cuba until 1963 (at least), there were at least eight plots, in the years between 1960 and 1965, to assassinate Fidel Castro. [40] If this isn’t enough, not only was there arguably a covert war between 1959 and 1965 against Cuba as Don Bohning argues in his book, The Castro Obsession, but there was many attempts on the lives of Raul and Fidel Castro in the 1960s. [41] There were also contaminants put in Cuban sugar and even a Canadian technician paid to infect turkeys with a disease that would kill them, which ultimately killed 8,000 turkeys in Cuba. [42] Later, the US Information Agency (USIA), which became the Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG), implemented a plan of transmitting television to Cuba in 1990 in an action which came from, Operation Mongoose. [43] Eventually, in 2002, former US government officials, Arthur Schlesinger and Robert McNamara, admitted in a Havana conference that Operation Mongoose was the precursor to the Cuban missile crisis. [44]

As a result of this illegal meddling of a terroristic nature, it is not surprising that the Cubans thought that Operation Mongoose was a forerunner to invasion by the United States, which is why they requested Soviet missiles in Cuba, leading to the Cuban missile crisis. [45] While Lyndon B. Johnson only sought to “inflict pain” on Cuba, while other high-ranking officials wanted invasion, it was reasonable for Cuba to fear the worst. [46] The Cubans were haunted by the “threat of a U.S. military attack on Cuba…throughout the 1960s” and the Soviets were not always receptive to help, even opposing Cuba’s “support for guerrilla movements in Latin America.” [47] Even the departure of Nikita Khrushchev because of his agreement to take missiles out of Cuba, which he placed there because he believed that US invasion was imminent, this did not assuage the doubts of leaders about “Soviet steadfastness in the defense of Cuba.” [48] While the Cubans were on military alert often, including thinking they could be struck by military strikes like those in North Vietnam in early 1965, or on alert when US troops invaded the Dominican Republic in April 1965. [49] At the same time, the Cubans, for example gave radical black groups moral support but didn’t give them weaponry, tried to not engage in actions which would bring them into conflict with the United States on U.S. soil, instead preparing their defenses and “countering the U.S. challenge in the Third World.” [50] In 1968, when talking with officials of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), often called East Germany in the West, Fidel Castro told them that while they had a “guarantee against imperialist aggression” with Soviet military divisions to defend them, that Cuba has “no guarantee against imperialist aggression” and that while the Soviets have given them weapons, which they were thankful for, “if the imperialists attack Cuba, we can count only on ourselves.” [51] Now, if you still don’t understand the pressure they were under, even with this, you are missing something.

Before I get to Cuban support for the liberation struggle abroad, I think it is important to note some of the events inside Cuba. This doesn’t include what anti-communist socialist Herbert Marcuse claims about Cuba, along with Vietnam and Cuba, that they were struggling to “eschew the bureaucratic administration of socialism.” [52] Instead what this is talking about is first and foremost is how the Cuban Revolution “marked a watershed for the continent’s film makers,” with Havana becoming the center of a new line of cinema which was “dedicated to portraying Latin America’s conflicts, especially with the US,” with a brand “of social-realist cinema and documentary,” which peaked in the 1960s to the 1980s. [53] While Havana soon became the “host of an annual Latin American Film Festival” and then invited “film-makers from every corner of the Third World to come and study at its international film school,” by the 1980s and years following, Cuba faced an economic slump, possibly because of the collapse of the Soviet Union, and now “remains cash-strapped and now produces few films.” [53] Before Assata Shakur would make her home in Cuba as a revolutionary and political refugee, there was black nationalist Robert F. Williams and his family. In order to flee the fabricated charges of kidnapping put on Robert, the Williams family fled one person at a time to the island of Cuba and Fidel Castro let the Williams family to have their own radio show which was called Radio Free Dixie, broadcasting three times a week. This show argued that it was the “voice of armed self-defense,” featured Robert doing his own editorials while Mabel Williams, his wife, read news items and helped select the music. [54] This choice of Cuba was not a surprise since Robert was “one of the founders of the national Fair Play for Cuba Committee” and the Cuban people, in his view, “were very sympathetic to the oppressed Afro-American people of the United States” and had “divorced themselves from the fellowship of capitalist oppression, from the fellowship of racist nations” so he decided to go to Cuba. [54] Mabel, his wife, noted that originally Cuba, before it declared itself a communist nation, invited Black scholars “to come because they had made a lot of changes with the race issue” and that Robert began to travel for the Fair Play for Cuban Committee “all over the country,” trying to get the US government “to recognize the Cuban government’s legitimacy to exist and to have friendly relations with Cuba.” [55] Sadly, because an early manifestation of the Sino-Soviet split, with both countries “vying to support the Cuban revolution” and some Communist Party USA members not liking Williams because he was talking about race, instead of class, the Williams family left Cuba and went to China instead, partially because of this as well. [56]

During the 1960s, the Cuban revolutionary government not only defended itself from imperial assault and drastically changed the nature of the island, but they supported anti-imperialist liberation struggles, especially in Africa. The well-regarded foreign policy scholar, Piero Gleijeses, writes about this in his book, titled Conflicting Missions. He notes that in September 1964, FRELIMO (Mozambique Liberation Front), the movement that aimed to free Mozambique from Portuguese colonial domination, launched its guerrilla war from bases in Southern Tanzania, with the country of Tanzania becoming the rear guard for this anti-colonial force and “the major conduit of Soviet and Chinese weapons for them.” [57] Around this time, Cuban interest in the region and in African liberation was growing, with Che Guevara urging that guerrillas in Africa should fight, be assisted by Cuban instructors who would fight alongside them, and have a centralized teaching center in Zaire/Democratic Republic of Congo with a goal to free that country from foreign domination. [58] The Cubans saw the Simbas in Zaire and FRELIMO in Mozambique as the “most important liberation movements,” but Che’s plan of freeing Zaire was rejected by FRELIMO which wanted to continue its armed struggle in Mozambique. [59] Still, Cuba agreed to train FRELIMO guerrillas on their island and even sent a ship called the Uvero from Cuba in April 1965 carrying weapons, food, and uniforms for the movement. [60]

Despite the strained relations between Che and FRELIMO, in 1965, he met with Zairean rebels in Tanzania’s Dar-es-Salaam, was impressed by Laurent Kabila, and later led the training of Zairean rebels in person, along with Cuban instructors. [61] Interestingly enough, Kabila was the rebel who overthrew the US-backed Mobutu authoritarian government in 1997 and renamed Zaire the Democratic Republic of Congo. While there were issues with the timing of the decision to send a column of Cuban instructors to Zaire to train the Simbas, and later MPLA leaders as Che urged them to go to Zaire to be trained by Cuban instructors, a decision likely made by three people: Che, Fidel Castro, and Raul Castro. [62] This effort was not only actively assisted by the presidents of Tanzania (Julius Nyerere) and Egypt (Gamal Abdel Nasser), with agreements with both countries by Cuba, but the Cubans made the decision to train African liberation independently of the Chinese or the Soviets, only asking for “Nyerere’s approval before going to Zaire.” [63] This effort was chosen not only to because of the assassination of Patrice Lumumba in 1961, with chaos that followed, but that there was “revolutionary fervent in Zaire” with that country becoming the “center from which revolution would spread to the neighboring countries,” especially Portuguese colonies, which is why the Cubans eagerly supported the MPLA (People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola) and FRELIMO. [64] One example of this eagerness was the supplies sent on the ship Uvero for rebels in Guinea-Bissau, FRELIMO, and Venezuelan guerrillas, with a group of nine Cuban military instructors led by Ulises Estrada, emptying 315 crates of supplies and arms for rebels in present-day Guinea-Bisseau to fight its liberation struggle. [65] Later on, this Cuban ship stopped at an Algerian port but the leader and President of independent Algeria (1963-5), Muhammad/Ahmed Ben Bella who had “aligned himself closely with Russia and with its communist allies, especially Cuba,” had been overthrown, so the supplies were kept on board, and the ship proceeded to Tanzania. [66]

I could go on and explain the spats between Che, other Cuban leaders and the Cubans. All I will say is that Gleijeses argues that the Soviets branded Che as pro-Chinese for his wariness of Moscow’s foreign policy and criticism of the Soviet Union that he saw; Raul had a pro-Soviet view while Fidel was less of a harsh critic of the Soviets than Che, but distanced himself from the Chinese and declared at one point that Cuba should not be a Soviet (or Chinese) satellite and should be an independent socialist nation. [67] He also notes that while some Cuban leaders disagreed with Che, including his emphasis on armed struggle, some, such as Fidel, agreed in principle, but engaged in criticisms of the Soviets, in his speeches, that were indirect. [68] Gleijeses notes how others weren’t fond of Che either, with the Venezuelan Communist Party rejecting his effort to join the Venezuelan guerrillas, saying it was a Venezuelan issue. [69] Still, there were positives. For one, Che was not only one of Cuba’s “foremost leaders” but he served as Castro’s personal emissary, who had “wide powers to offer aid to the liberation movements and make agreements with African governments.” [70] This didn’t stop Che from resigning, in a letter that showed his affection for Fidel, which freed Cuba formally from responsibility for his actions in Zaire” and the Cuban column of trainings growing to 120, even as FRELIMO didn’t accept them as trainers in 1967. [71]

These efforts of training liberation fighters was only part of a broader strategy. Cubans not only trained those from the anti-colonial forces of the PAIGC (African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde), FRELIMO, and MPLA, establishing ties as early as 1961, but these organizations had sent men to Cuba and at least fifteen Cuban doctors were working in the territory the MPLA had liberated. [72] In the 1960s, the Cubans paid much attention to the PAIGC, an organization which controlled 40% of Portuguese Guinea by 1965, and at the same time, the Cubans considered the MPLA “the sole leader of the struggle in Angola.” [72] Aid to these liberation forces was simply extralegal assistance such as aid, financial assistance, and political assistance in international bodies, but it did not “entail committing any Cuban institution to the liberation struggle in Africa.” [73] As noted earlier, FRELIMO turned down an offer of Cuban aid, but this was because they had confidence in their own ability and relied on their own resources, but still, by independence, “Mozambique and Cuba revived their relationship.” [74] As the war with FRELIMO heated up, Portugal deployed 142,000 troops to “quell” the anti-colonial liberation fight in Mozambique, the Cubans became more involved in Angola, which changed their strategy from supporting a guerrilla movement to supporting a government “confronting a foreign invasion,” which did not export revolution but was “massive assistance to a constituted government” similar to but far greater than aid given to Algeria or Guinea. [75]

Before moving onto Cuban aid to liberation struggles in the “Third World” it is important to highlight once again, imperial destabilization efforts by the US, directed at Cuba, in the 1970s. In June 1972 The Black Panther reported that two Cuban films, titled “For the First Times” and “Memories of Underdevelopment” which were part of a group of 25 Cuban films, features, and short subjects, which were to be shown at a Cuban film festival earlier that year was interrupted when the Treasury Department confiscated the films, threatened to prosecuted and engaged in “financial harassment to close the festival down.” [76] The article continued by noting that American Documentary Films, the sponsors of the festival, sued the Treasury and the State Departments, saying that their action was arbitrary and unconstitutional, the latter by violating the 1st and 14th amendments. The article then went into the history of laws such as the Trading with the Enemy Act, “designed as an economic boycott” against the Cuban government, how the closing of the festival resulted in a loss of $28 million dollars by American Documentary Films, which distributed “films on social and political problems,” and that the screening of the films in the first place was meant to protest the “merits of the blockade against Cuba.” [77] Around the same time, Huey Newton sent a message to Fidel Castro, congratulating him for his heroism at the disastrous battle of Cuartel Moncada which brought out the “revolutionary fervor of the Cuban people to struggle and win,” and connected it to the struggle of the “oppressed black masses, the Chicano, Latino, Indian, and poor oppressed people in North America, in the United States.” [78] Newton continued by noting that the Black Panther Party’s “strength is of course within the people,” that “U.S. Reactionary Imperialism can be defeated” with a “World Humane Peace” and at that some point there will be a “people’s victory of world wide Revolutionary Intercommunalism.” [78] In the 1970s, there were also numerous efforts to engage in biological warfare aimed at Cuba. This included weather modification used against Cuban crops from 1969 to 1970, the CIA, in 1971, giving Cuban exiles a virus that “causes African swine fever,” which led to the slaughter of 500,000 pigs in order to prevent a nationwide animal epidemic. [79] While the full extent of the “chemical and biological warfare against Cuba” by the murderous empire may never be known, the Cuban government has rightly blamed “the United States for a number of other plagues which affected various animals and crops.” [80] I say this because, for example, in 1977, CIA documents showed that the agency “maintained a clandestine anti-crop warfare research program targeted during the 1960s at a number of countries throughout the world” which would undoubtedly include Cuba. [80]

In 1976 there was a democratic development in Cuba. This was the adoption of the Cuban Constitution, approved in a popular referendum in which 97.7% of those who voted, which was almost 96% of all registered voters, favored the Constitution in a secret-ballot vote. [81] This new constitution tried to not only rationalize the existing communist government but to set ideals more in stone, and recognize the role of mass organizations in Cuban society, a society which had effective mass participation unlike capitalist countries in the region. [82] In later years, it would be amended to create a less restrictive foreign investment structure (in 1992), amended to declare Cuba as a secular rather than an atheist state (in 1992) which opened the door to more religious observance, and reaffirming, after sustained challenges to state policies, that socialism in Cuba was “irrevocable” (in 2002). [83] In total, it has been amended three times (1978, 1992, and 2002) since its adoption in 1976. The most recent version the Cuban Constitution, which can be read here and here, outlines the revolutionary history of Cuba briefly in the preamble, recognizes the socialist foundations of the country. The Constitution declares that: Cuba as “a socialist State of workers, independent and sovereign” (Article 1); popular sovereignty relies with the people (Article 3); that citizenry have the right to use all means, including armed struggle, against “anyone attempting to overthrow the political, social, and economic order established by this Constitution” (Article 3); the Communist Party of Cuba is “the superior leading force of the society and the State” (Article 5); “the State recognizes, respects, and guarantees religious freedom” (Article 8); Cuba “repudiates and considers illegal and void any treaties, pacts or concessions” entered under illegal conditions (Article 11); and Cuba adopting “anti-imperialist and internationalist principles” (Article 12). The Constitution also declares the following: the economy will be based on “socialist ownership of the means of production by all the people” (Article 14); people are allowed to own “income and savings derived from the person’s own work, of the housing that is possessed with a fair ownership title, and of other assets and objects that serve to satisfy the material and cultural needs of the person” (Article 21); “the State protects the environment and natural resources of the country” (Article 27), and so on. Obviously this constitution is much more progressive and oriented to justice than the US Constitution which only has bourgeois liberties outlined in the Bill of Rights, abolishment of slavery but not as a form of punishment (13th amendment), guarantees the right to vote for people regardless of age, race, or color (15th, 19th, and 26th amendments), allows for an income tax (16th amendment), bars poll taxes (24th amendment), and much more, with other amendments which are broadly not progressive.

With all of this established, it is important to go back to Cuban support for “struggles for national liberation” as their Constitution states, during the 1970s. While Cuba’s role in the late 1960s and early 1970s was arguably honest, with some Africans, “notably Mozambicans, Zimbabweans, Eritreans, and a handful of South Africans and Namibians,” receiving military training in Cuba, but the only country that had a “significant Cuban military presence…was…Guinea-Bissau.” [84] While the Cuban government wanted to do more to help FRELIMO, which has been fighting in an armed struggle against the brutal Portuguese colonizers since 1964, there were bad feelings between FRELIMO and the Cuban government after 1965 and when Cuba offered to send instructors to FRELIMO camps in Tanzania or to Mozambique in 1967, FRELIMO declined the offer. [85] Likely, the Cubans believed, and most likely still believe, as the Black Panther Party once stated, that “the United States Empire is the chief perpetrator of exploitation, brutality, and genocide against the people of the world” and that “a blow to the Empire in any part of the world is a victory for the people in any part of the world” but they were unable to fully do this to tensions with FRELIMO. [86] Despite this, it is worthy to note the efforts of FRELIMO in their liberation struggle as noted in numerous articles of The Black Panther. These articles note that FRELIMO implemented survival programs for areas it liberated such as food for people in those areas, “hospitals and clinics…set up to maintain sanitation and health services for the people,” with “over 100,000 people were vaccinated against smallpox,” and “people’s shops and stores have been set up” along with free schooling, and “countless community meetings throughout the liberated countrysides” coupled with “open discussions and political education classes.” [87] Other articles gave more specifics. One of these articles notes that FRELIMO soldiers were armed with all sorts of weaponry, but had to carry all the “necessary materials, along with extra ammunition and the like” with them and that there is no place for male chauvinism, with “the FRELIMO sisters…given no special privileges, and they meet the challenge well.” [88] Additionally, the bases of FRELIMO were simple and temporary, concealed and able to be evacuated in five minutes, with these liberation fighters recognizing who were their enemies (ex: Portugal and the United States) and who were their allies (ex: pro-FRELIMO forces in the US). [89] These serious and committed fighters who were “determined to get freedom by any means necessary…in spite of daily bombings and torture by the Portuguese” and a worldwide propaganda machine, in favor of the Portuguese, and locals were drawn in to support FRELIMO because they felt they finally had a chance to participate in a building a better future. [90] Despite facing roadblocks, with some Mozambicans sticking to their traditionalism, these freedom fighters still sought a society which eliminated “man’s oppression of man (and woman),” ultimately “total equality of women” and conducting an “all encompassing struggle.” [91] This struggle was against immense odds as the Portuguese used “helicopters, bombers and troops” to pin down freedom fighters and ultimately kill them, but the FRELIMO bases were hard to spot from the air, which disrupted this destructive cycle. [92] Even though the Portuguese tried to make it “appear as if the guerrillas are scoring no successes” and many troops “received training in anti-guerrilla warfare from U.S. Army personnel,” the Portuguese empire was, as the writer described it, “a shredded paper kitten on its last legs,” with decolonization pushed after the “Carnation Revolution,” with one of the members who participated in this revolution lamenting what Portugal has now become due to neoliberal policies in recent years. [93]

After Mozambique received independence, it was immediately under attack. FRELIMO, which had received aid from the Soviets, Cubans, and East Germans was attacked by a military group, backed by South Africa’s apartheid government, called RENAMO (Mozambican National Resistance), “which feared a socialist blockade of its borders.” [94] As a result, FRELIMO sent students and teachers to Cuba in 1977 due to the lack of schools in Mozambique at the time, so they could come back and lead the country in the future. [94] Despite this, the new government of Mozambique still introduced free medical treatment in 1979, including a massive vaccination program, where in the past no such treatment or program existed, closed prisons instead of opening them, and created reeducation centers across the country, at least by 1981. [95] Mozambicans were able to “readily dissent and are encouraged to voice criticism in the single party,” even if not fully in the public sphere. [96]. Also by 1981, the government developed ties with: the Cubans who are active in education, transport, telecommunications, and sugar; the Soviets who are active in meteorology, mining, and fisheries; East Germany who is active in industry and planning; and numerous countries active in agriculture and health (North Korea, China, and Bulgaria). [97] Despite this, even in 1981, Mozambique was “not a Soviet satellite” but did receive more Soviet assistance than Chinese assistance. [97]

Then there was Ethiopia. Until 1974, the government of Haile Selassie, which the Black Panther Party declared was a “pseudo-fascist, imperialist puppet” with a “fuedo-bourgeois ruling clique” while declaring their support for Eritrean independence led by the Eritrean Liberation Front, had power. [98] This relates to Cuba because in December 1976, the Coordinating Committee of the Armed Forces, Police, and Territorial Army (Derg) government which embraced communism as an ideology, signed an aid agreement with the Soviets and Cuba sent a military mission, which at minimum seems to have betrayed the working class of Ethiopia or at least had problems fulfilling its goals.[99] And weeks after the reduction the Derg and Fidel Castro issued a joint communique calling for unity among the region’s progressive forces, and as time went on, this government continued sparing with the US, signed another aid agreement with the Soviets and more Cuban technicians came. [99] As years went on, the Derg didn’t tolerate Soviet or even Cuban interference “in domestic matters” balking at diplomacy by both countries to solve “the Eritrean and Ogaden conflicts” or to make “amends with its civilian leftist opposition” which resulted in the Cuban ambassador being asked to leave the country. [100] While the Derg did eventually send a commission to start making plans to create a vanguard party, when it was created it wasn’t as civilian-based as but it was apparently “top-heavy with military personnel and had relatively few workers and peasants in the general membership.” [100] Some claim that Derg turned to the Soviets and the Cubans because it was convenient and that Derg sent people to East Germany, Cuba, and Soviet Union to learn Marxist theory, which one writer wackily calls “political indoctrination” and “ideological indoctrination.” [101] Other writers say that the USSR happily gave Derg weapons and that numerous Soviet and Cuban advisers were deployed in 1977, leading to 12,000 Cubans tasked with defending Ethiopia, and which some claim were deployed to Eritrea. [102]

At the same time there was coordination between the ELF (Eritrean Liberation Front) and the EPLF (Eritrean People’s Liberation Front) in fighting the Ethiopians, in fighting the Ethiopians, and calling on countries to counter Soviet and Cuban intervention and defeat “Soviet-based Ethiopia.” [103] Interestingly enough, the top architect for the ELPF went “to Cuba for military and political training in revolutionary warfare,” definitely before 1974 because that was when the Cubans were backing the ELF. [104] Ultimately, the Derg was driven from power, with some specifics noted in later paragraphs by those using the same “vanguard political ideology…methods of mass organization, and…basic military technology—the AK-47,” with those groups being the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front and the Tegray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). [105] This battle over Ethiopia was part of a broader fight for Eritrean independence. As this well-cited Wikipedia article notes, post-1974, when the Eritreans had been fighting the US and Israeli-basked Ethiopian empire before then, there were three groups: (1) the communist/socialist government of Ethiopia (Derg from 1974-1987, PDRE from 1987 to 1991) backed by the Cubans, the Soviets, and South Yemen; (2) the ELPF and TPLF backed by the Chinese, Sudanese, Libyans, United States, Somalia, and Syria; (3) the ELF backed by Libya (until 1977), Syria, Iraq, Tunisia, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, and Sudan. Ultimately, the Eritreans were victorious and Ethiopia became a land-locked country.

Before getting to Angola, there is one more group that should be mentioned: FRELITIN. US planners were afraid that the former Portuguese colony of East Timor, of which the pro-independence group FRELITIN declared independence for the island, would become “Cuba in the Indian Ocean” so they supported and backed an invasion and occupation by the brutal anti-communist authoritarian government of Indonesia. FRELITIN, as the main guerrilla group fighting this brutal occupation, was supported by Cuba and Vietnam but one writer claims that the Soviets were not in support. [106] An article in Worker’s World noted that while this 24-year-long occupation led to the deaths of 200,000 East Timorese, the U.S. government remained a staunch ally of Indonesia, and by 1998, Timorese organized a referendum in which they voted overwhelmingly for independence instead of being part of Indonesia (the referendum may be confusing to understand at first). This article also notes how in 2002 a new Timorese nation was founded, with Australia hostile of the current leader of East Timor who has been declared as a “communist” because he wants to make life better for those in Timor, and he has a good amount of grassroots support. Before going forward I think it is important to back up a second. The Wikipedia page on this topic says that the United States, Australia, the United Kingdom, and Canada, prior to 1991, backed Indonesia’s occupation, while at the same time, Portugal, the Soviet Union (1975-1991), Libya, the Free Aceh Movement, post-communist Russia (1991-1999), and China backed the Timorese struggle. The page also shows that almost snidely the United States, Australia, United Kingdom, and Canada switched sides in 1999 to the Timorese.

Moving on, there is no need to cite anti-communist articles about FRELITIN such as one in 2006 that declares that “Fretilin may need the votes of the Cuban doctors as much as their electioneering” but it is perhaps more fruitful to share articles from the Community Party of Australia which recognizes that FRELITIN is here to stay despite he fact that “Australian media and spooks promoted stories to destabilise the FRETILIN government” or an article saying that the people of East Timor “suffered the greatest genocide registered in the 20th century” with not even the Holocaust by the Nazis managing “to reach such a high percentage of people.” Other articles of note is the always strange but sometimes useful Trotskyists at WSWS who claimed that neither FRELTIN nor its counterpart in the Timorese struggle was based on “anti-capitalist or egalitarian principles,” based in the middle-class, and that the US, along with other Western powers, was urging the Indonesian government to move into East Timor in late 1974, and that just before the intervention, “FRELITIN’s leaders declared independence.” It is worthy to note that this article, like the 90 articles (at least) on their website that slam “Stalinist bureaucracies,” has an anti-Soviet perspective along with saying that Moscow and Beijing bestowed” revolutionary credentials on Yasir Arafat, Nelson Mandela, and Fidel Castro, implying that they aren’t true liberation leaders! To be honest, this is a bunch of rubbish. Moving on, there is an article in small-circulation publication, The New Internationalist, it is noted that Cuba’s influence in East Timor goes back to 1975 when, despite what those goofs at WSWS claimed, the resistance movement “based much of its socialist ideology and guerrilla tactics on Fidel Castro’s revolutionary struggle.” The article went on to say that there is a huge amount of “murals and T-shirts depicting Che” and that Cuba’s physical involvement in the new country “began in 2003, when President Xanana Gusmao met Fidel Castro in Kuala Lumpur at a conference of non-aligned countries” and shortly thereafter, teams of Cuban doctors were sent to the country. [107]

Finally we get to Angola. What the Black Panther Party said here is relevant, as they argued that “the same small ruling circle that is exploiting and oppressing Black people in Angola is the same one that is exploiting and oppressing Black people here.” [108] While this great documentary explains a good amount of what I’m not going to go into detail here, it is still important to refresh people’s minds. For one, in there were three movements that fought in the anti-colonial struggle against Portugal in the 1960s: UNITA, FNLA, and MPLA, with China backing UNITA, the Soviets supporting the MPLA and the US covertly supporting FNLA. [109] In mid-1975 fighting broke out with the transitional government of these different forces, with each faction declaring their independence, and the Ford administration approved millions of dollars in covert aid to FNLA and UNITA, while the Cubans sent hundreds of military advisers [110] Around this time, SWAPO (South West Africa People’s Organization) gave a material commitment to the MPLA, with SWAPO’s Secretary General arriving in Havana, and there were some suspicions that the Portuguese and Cubans were working together to send Cuban aid to Angola. [111] It is also important to note that much of the Portuguese government thought that the MPLA “deserved to have power” and that while the UNITA was right about some details, they exaggerated “the number of Cubans in Angola and the nature of their role.” [112]

While the FNLA, which was “trained by Portuguese colonialists and South Africans,” the Cubans had sent instructors to MPLA forces and by November 1975, by which time the MPLA government was fully established, “massive amounts of Russian and Cuban equipment had arrived at Luanda,” which included not only 15,000 Cuban troops but heavy tanks and artillery. [113] UNITA was quickly pushed by a Cuban advance and “most of Angola was for a time controlled by Neto and the MPLA” at the time. [114] Despite this, Angola still retained its “commercial agreement with the American Gulf Oil Company to exploit the oil of Cabinda” in the 1970s which is a company that the Black Panthers had criticized in their paper back in a 1972 article about Angola and Gulf Oil. [115] The Cuban assistance to the Angolans would have been almost impossible if the Soviets had not given much of the logistical support despite the fact that it was ultimately the Cuban forces that changed the tide. [116] There is a revealing quote by Cuban Communist politician Carlos Rafael Rodriguez who said the following, with my italics at the end: “Cuba and Angola did not have all the technical means for their men to fight the racist South African army [basically UNITA]. Without the USSR, imperialism would have defeated the Angolan people.” [117] I don’t want to take sides or wish to cause derision in terms of the Sino-Soviet split, with some people likely taking the side of the Chinese rather than the Soviets, like the Black Panther Party, presumably (at least before 1972). Still the assistance in Angola shows that the Soviets were clearly on the side of African liberation while the Chinese were clearly not, as they backed UNITA, led by the horrid Savimbi, thankfully killed by government forces in 2002. I can go into the reasons for why the Chinese backed UNITA, but that is for another day. Back to the Angolan proxy war, the swift success of the MPLA-Cuban allied forces “took everyone by surprise” and by February 1976, “the military confrontation, for all practical purposes, was over” and not long after, the Portuguese government symbolically “established diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of Angola.” [118] Not long after that, Angola and South Africa signed a diplomatic agreement with South Africa agreeing to remove its forces while Angola promised “to guarantee the security of Calueque” meaning that “the Cubans’ intervention had proven to be a complete success.” [119]

There are a number of other points to note here: (1) Cuba intervened in Angola not for material gains like the imperialists but because they are internationalists and wanted to assist in the “total liberation of Africa”; (2) it does not seem likely that the Cubans “accepted a submissive, client-state relationship in which the USSR plays the dominant and deciding role”; (3) in the Cuban perspective, the United States was becoming “progressively more isolated and isolationist” in the 1970s; (4) the USSR, seeing a “growing radicalization in Africa as Portugal’s African colonies” became independent, seized an opportunity in 1975 to gain more supporters in its struggle against the United States and China; and (5) the amount of Africa countries Cuba had diplomatic relations with grew from eight in 1972 to 31 in 1976. [120] I could expand on the fact that South Africa, covertly backed by the United States, would only give South-West Africa, which became Namibia, its independence on the conditionality of Cuban withdrawal from Angola, along with an end to Soviet and Cuban aid to the Marxist government of Angola. [121] Instead, it is a better to end on the fact that Cuban involvement in Angola was not only “responsive to long established revolutionary principles” but was a “milestone in the long history of assistance to extrahemispheric independence struggles.” [122]

By the 1980s, the situation was changing in Africa, in regards to liberation. For Angola, Cuban troops, which some claim were “mercenaries” with withdrawn in 1989, and the new Marxist government, had to rearm itself by spending oil royalties, money that could have reconstructed its economy. [123] For Ethiopia, the volume of trade between itself and socialist countries grew significantly in the 1980s. [124] Additionally, Cuba and Nicaragua avoided debt restructuring deals pushed by Washington since the US was “imposing an effective financial boycott on both left-leaning governments,” which had struggles for independence that produced outcomes the United States did not like. [125] The CIA documents in the 1980s obviously have a sneering attitude, but are still important to note here. One 1982 document claimed the Fidel Castro’s decision to militarily intervene in Ethiopia was “largely at Moscow’s behest and reflected a convergence of Cuban and Soviet interests,” with 11,000 to 13,000 Cuban military personnel in Ethiopia, “organized into four brigades” and an advantage “over any conventional opposition in the region such as the Somali Army.” [126] This same document also claimed that at one time, the USSR and Cuba was “committed to Somalia” but that in the late 1970s, the Cubans and the Soviets began to “rethink Ethiopia’s military needs,” providing combat support for the government, under Somali attack, and that since 1978 the amount of Cuban military personnel in Ethiopia had decreased. [126] Also, this document said that while Castro said in 1981 that he would “like to withdraw his troops from Ethiopia,” he supposedly, in the CIA’s view, needed Soviet approval to do so. This idea of getting needing Soviet approval is silly because Cuba had a turbulent relationship with the Soviet Union in the 1960s, which improved in the 1970s and 1980s but ruptured with Mikhail Gorbachev, who arguably accelerated the Soviet collapse with his ideas of “glasnost” and “perestroika” which still have wide acclaim in the West as “democratic.” [127] Other scholars, including the bourgeois and likely anti-communists Ronald Oliver and Anthony Atmore, write about how the Soviets sent $12 billion in military aid and arms to Mengistu in Ethiopia between 1977-1990, paid the expenses of the Cuban military personnel, and the Ethiopian army, claimed that the Derg had became “increasingly unpopular.” [128] These bourgeois scholars inadvertently admit that Soviet and Cuban intervention was necessary, saying that the removal of the Cuban military forces and end of massive Soviet arms shipments “released pent-up tensions both within that country [Ethiopia] and around its borders” and ultimately leading to northern Tigrean separatists moving into the Amhara heartland and occupying the capital in 1991 while Mengistu fled into exile in Zimbabwe. [129]

Not surprisingly, the CIA was angry about Cuba’s support for radical leftists. One 1986 document declared that Cuba had been training and supporting “Third World guerrillas” for the past 27 years, claiming it had become “institutionalized within its political and governmental system” with Cuba’s mass organizations and other entities contributing to “training, equipping, funding, and transporting of leftist groups around the globe” and allowing Cuba to “export revolution to the Third World.” [130] This document even admitted that the economic crunch wouldn’t stop this aid, noting that organizations within the Cuban Communist Party “are given wide latitude by Castro in coordinating Havana’s provision of training, supplies, and funds to radical leftist groups.” [130] Later, the document also said that by 1978 the strategy of the Cuban government changed as it backed groups advocating for “armed struggle to seize power” and the Sandinista overthrow of the Nicaraguan Somoza government in July 1979 resulted in “a more active policy of supporting guerrilla movements in the region” but that this was stunted by active US moves including “willingness to use military force to protect its interests abroad.” [130] The extent of this training was admitted in the CIA document: “Cuba has trained members of some two dozen African and Latin American insurgent groups in urban and rural guerrilla warfare.” These viewpoints are not a surprise considering that, as the late bourgeois anti-imperialist and former CIA consultant, Chalmers Johnson, noted, in the 1980s, “American demonization of Castro’s Cuba ratcheted upward and the government argued vociferously that Cuban-inspired insurgencies were the hemisphere’s greatest threat.” [131] This is also evidenced by Ronald Reagan’s April 4, 1985 speech which declared that “my administration [wants to remove]…the thousands of Soviet bloc, Cuban, PLO…Libyan, and other military and security personnel” from Nicaragua.” [132]

There are a set of other documents on Cuba. These include ones claiming that the island was in dire economic straits and under pressure. One document from 1966 declared that “the island is dependent on the outside world for industrial equipment, fuels, raw materials, critical consumer goods, and even for food.” [133] Years later, a CIA document noted that the Cuban government will try to “minimize the impact of any cuts on its priority military objectives—defense of the nation against the United States, maintenance of domestic security, and continuation of Cuba’s foreign policy.” [134] Then there was a number of documents on “debt rescheduling talks” with Cuba, with the government in 1986 having to institute “economic austerity” which played right into the CIA’s hands, and that it was facing horrible “financial difficulties,” more than when it began “rescheduling its hard currency debt in 1982,” which Cuban leaders said was due to a number of varied problems, causing less hard currency the previous year, including the “continued impact of the US trade embargo.” [135] Other documents that year noted that the economic crisis would play into the hands of the CIA as Cuban workers “are likely to become increasingly outspoken” in their words as the Cuban government engaged in action “against inept management and corruption,” and that Havana has “also tightened banking regulations for foreign exchange transfers” as the Soviets give the Cubans more hard currency, as they asked for. [136] Eventually, by 1988, the CIA declared that Castro found himself under pressure from the Soviets to “adopt Soviet-style planning…and to integrate Cuba more fully into CEMA” moves which they said “seriously jeopardize Castro’s longtime goal of industrializing the island and diversifying the economy.” [137] These documents are almost like the Simpsons episode where Mr. Burns laughably tries to “buy” Cuba for a trillion dollars, goes before Fidel Castro (along with Homer), who takes the trillion dollar bill from this dirty capitalist, using it to improve socialist Cuba, while a more recent episode seemed to be more positive toward Cuba, with even a mural of Mr. Burns being driven out of Cuba along with other capitalist vipers in 1959.

Beyond all of this was a November 1984 document declaring to reveal “Castro’s propaganda apparatus” as the CIA put it. This document is not only laughable (and seething) in that it claims that the Cuban government as a “propaganda empire” which they want to expand, but that this “apparatus” has a “pro-Marxist bias of Castro’s propaganda apparatus” and it remains a “negative factor working against democratic interests, worldwide.” More hilariously, the document claims that this “international media empire” was organized starting in 1959, has become an “effective propaganda weapon,” which includes the performing arts in Cuba and the cinema industry “directly propagandist.” The document goes to say that “international gatherings of various kinds” in Cuba are propaganda, that there is “person-to-person propaganda,” that there is a magical “Che Guevara guerrilla cult”; that Castro has an “empire of…publicity.” Finally the document declares that “the Cuban propaganda machine” which is closely associated with its will not only “remain an important negative factor working for Cuban and Soviet interests throughout the world” but aligns with “Cuba’s self-assigned mission of promoting Marxist revolution.” The funny thing about this document is it negates completely the fact that the corporate media of the United States beams out propaganda to serve the Pentagon often, that capitalist dogma is integrated within many elements of US society, and that Hollywood serves as a propaganda apparatus by working with the CIA (as noted here and here) and the Pentagon.

There are a number of other events in the 1980s that are worth noting, but one important institution came into existence that would make imperial destabilization across the world more “public” rather than covert. I’m not talking about Cuba respecting North Korea’s boycott of the 1988 Olympics in Seoul, South Korea or when the epidemic of dengue hemorrhagic fever (DHF) spread across Cuba in 1981 effort which was meant to be used against Soviet forces but was actually used against the Cuban people which even Cuban exiles executing the mission didn’t like. [138] I’m talking about the establishment of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) in 1982. In a 1982 speech to the British Parliament, Reagan explained why NED should exist, coaching his the effort by saying it would supposedly “foster the infrastructure of democracy, the system of a free press, unions, political parties, universities, which allows a people to choose their own way to develop their own culture,” declaring it would “contribute…to the global campaign for democracy” in an anti-communist light, and that “the march of freedom and democracy which will leave Marxism-Leninism on the ash-heap of history as it has left other tyrannies.” NED was simply, as Robert Perry of Consortium News put it, “a central part of Ronald Reagan’s propaganda war against the Soviet Union three decades ago” and has become a “slush fund that generally supports a neocon agenda.” More particularly, it has been used to, as Right Web notes, support “efforts to overthrow foreign governments,” gave neocons a “government-funded institute over which they exercised effective control,” has served as an “instrument of U.S. policy to support Cuban-American efforts to oust Cuba’s longtime leader Fidel Castro” and emphasizes “one particular form of democracy, pro-market democracy.” This site also notes that NED’s president is Carl Gershman, a “figure in U.S. sectarian politics dating back to the 1970s” and that it works through four core institutes: NDI (the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs), IRI (International Republican Institute), Solidarity Center, and the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE).

NED has a more sinister but obvious purpose. As the CIA’s lackey, David Ignatius, wrote in the Washington Post in 1991, when he was then the foreign editor, NED operatives have been going “in public what the CIA used to do in private,” and quotes Alex Weinstein as saying: “a lot of what we [NED] do[es] today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA,” with Ignatius adding that the biggest difference is that NED does its activities overtly which he claims is its “own protection” which has allowed them to be “successful.” [139] Years later, “soft power” advocate Joesph Nye declared in a letter that NED had “become known as an advocacy organization for the promotion of democracy,” and had in mind a “civil society fund” to promote “exchanges and interactions without a particular agenda,” which would work alongside NED. [140] The US State Department claims that NED is a “private nonprofit organization” (claim also repeated here) established during the Reagan years which has programs in “more than 90 countries around the world.” As it turns out, the US State Department, the mainstay of the foreign policy establishment, gave NED hundreds of millions of dollars to fund its operations from 2009 as numerous documents show. [141] This is a rise from when in the past it was only given funding in the tens of millions. [142] This basically means that NED is not only part of the foreign policy establishment but is part of the murderous empire. Obviously, the former is admitted earlier than the latter with the State Department openly honoring NED recipients in 2011, admitted that NED has an “annual congressional appropriation” which basically makes it part of the US government, and is mad when the Russian government, rightly so, declared NED as an “undesirable” organization last year. Most damning of all is the State Department Assistant Secretary of Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, Michael Posner, declaring in 2012 that he “admires” NED greatly, and thanks the NED team for promoting market/bourgeois democracy “and civil society” in Burma for the last 20+ years. [143]

Back to the history. In the 1990s, Cuba was still under imperial assault, being declared a “rogue state” by the United States, as it typical of countries deemed as “enemies.” [144] At the same time, Cuban exiles continued to flourish in the United States, who had engaged in bombings, hijackings, kidnappings, and much more, with these terroristic Cubans enjoying “safe haven in the United States” even to this day. [145] Beyond this, not only did the US vote against UN General Assembly resolutions which condemned the US embargo against Cuba and called for its end from 1992-1999 but a crop duster of the US State Department “emitted a mist in October 1996” which released, apparently, “a plant-eating insect called Thrips palmi.” [146] While the US government would deny this, this emission of dust was arguably an act of biological terrorism. At the same time, NED continued to nurture domestic opposition in Cuba to oppose Castro. [147]

By the 2000s the situation didn’t improve. In 2002, as the US was gearing up to militarily invade Iraq, for the second time in the last ten years (first in 1991), John Bolton, who was then ambassador of the United States to the UN “presented misinformation to Congress on a Cuban biological weapons program.” [148] This incident also harkens back to Stevenson’s presentation in 1962 to the UN Security Council about what became the Cuban missile crisis in which he didn’t tell full truth, and was basically lying by omission. The former CIA and State Department analyst, Melvin Goodman, who moderately criticizes US imperial power, barked that “there have been signs of change in Cuba without any meaningful U.S. response” in an almost angry tone in his 2004 book. [149] Also in the 2000s, it was evident, in likely continuing phenomena, that “Cuba has one of the lowest maternal death rates in the region,” that women’s participation in the paid workforce “has grown rapidly over the past 20 years,” and that “heterosexual men break no taboos by having sex with other men.” [150]

At the current time, Cuba continues to fight off efforts of imperial meddling. The people of Cuba realize this very well, knowing that the US has been trying to overthrow and/or undermine Castro and the socialist government since 1959, which is why the Cuban government sees the CIA behind many problems. [151] The United States has failed in its effort to “rid the Caribbean of the critical difference that Castro’s Cuba brings to the region” and this not only disrupted “U.S. supreme dominance in the Caribbean” with “instability in the Caribbean basin” showing the reflection of a murderous empire. [152] Putting aside the fact that there are “significant populations of Africans in Cuba” and that countries such as Cuba and Brazil, have actively pursued the notion of harmony in a “racial democracy” meaning that many Cubans and Brazilians are “uncomfortable discussing race and…racism,” Cuba has done more than any other nation “to end social stratification based on skin colour.” [153] William Blum, the wonderful foreign policy analyst and anti-imperialist, argued in his book, Rogue State, that if you consider “education and healthcare…then it would appear that during the more-than-40 years of its revolution, Cuba has enjoyed one of the very best human-rights records in all of Latin America.” [154] Maybe the US Empire should look in the mirror next time before writing another one of its crackpot “Human Rights Reports” on Cuba. But we all know that isn’t going to happen and instead we’ll have China write its well-sourced and wonderful “Human Rights Record of the United States,” with the most recent one published earlier this month.

The next article in this series will pick up exactly where this article left off and examine where Cuba stands today as a revolutionary government and socialist nation. This article went a bit longer than I was expecting, but that is good, because it is comprehensive to a degree. As always, I look forward to your comments on this article.

Notes

[1] Oliver, Ronald and Atmore, Anthony. Africa Since 1800 (Fifth Edition). New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008. 72, 91.

[2] Green, Duncan. Faces of Latin America (Third Edition). London: Latin America Bureau, 2006. 11.

[3] Zinn, Howard; Konopacki, Mike; and Buhle, Mike. A People’s History of American Empire: A Graphic Adaptation. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2008. 32. On this same page, they write that this war erupted in “1868 when Carlos Manuel de Cespesdes, backed by other white farmers in Oriente province, freed his slaves and announced Grito De Yara [Cry of Yara literally, a call to arms], declaring Cuba’s independence.” This is important to understand in understanding this revolutionary history.

[4] Ibid, 32, 37

[5] Ibid, 39.

[6] Ibid, 43.

[7] Ibid, 44.

[8] The promotion of war was within promotion by vaudeville entrepreneurs to fake movies of the war, making it America’s “first filmed war.” Yellow journalism established certain precedents for mass-marketing war and empire, adopted by “respectable” newspapers” in later years and that “the continued mass-marketing of wars and empire, through the media apparatus and official public relations channels, proves that yellow journalism is still with us.”

[9] Richard Seymour argues that a “number of Japanese soldiers in Hawaii worried the planters” when the US was conquering Cuba and the Philippines and that before 1898, the US “even tried to purchase Cuba several times,” but this did not succeed. For the full citation: Seymour, Richard. The Liberal Defense of Murder. New York: Verso, 2008. 86, 93.

[10] Zinn, Konopacki and Buhle, A People’s History of American Empire, 51.

[11] Ibid, 52.

[12] Seymour, The Liberal Defense of Murder, 94, 125.

[13] Weber, Cynthia. Faking It: U.S. Hegemony in a “Post-Phallic” Era. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999. 20, 25. Weber also argues on page 3 that “the Caribbean is the location to which the United States historically has turned to “find itself.”” This is is relevant considering U.S. imperialist actions in the Caribbean over the years.

[14] Green, Faces of Latin America, 73. Green expands on this by saying the following: “young radicals formed guerrilla groups in Brazil, Venezuela, the Dominican Republic, Colombia, Argentina, Peru, Bolivia, Guatemala and Nicaragua, all of which met with failure or were forced radically to rethink their tactics…with intensive counter-insurgency training from the US, the Bolivian army soon tracked down and defeated the isolated ‘freedom fighters’ [in Bolivia], and Guevara was shot” (page 75)

[15] “Interview With A New Man – A Cuban Revolutionary.” The Black Panther, April 17, 1971. Page 12.

[16] Green, Faces of Latin America, 194.

[17] CIA, January 3, 1984:“Cuba: Castro’s Propaganda Apparatus and Foreign Policy”; Electronic Reading Room; CREST: 25-Year Program Archive; CREST; National Archives at College Park, MD. While the searches here give me different identifying numbers, the document is apparently the same.
[18] Green, Faces of Latin America, 58, 78.

[19] Seymour, The Liberal Defense of Murder, 126-7; Weber, Faking It, 2-3. I’m not sure about this whole “reading” thing, but it is clear that the United States saw Cuba differently before the revolution than after.

[20] Fitzgerald, Romane. “Prospects for Revolutionary Intercommunal Warfare.” The Black Panther, May 8, 1971. Page 16.

[21] Green, Faces of Latin America, 78, 101.

[22] Green, Faces of Latin America, 86; Weber, Faking It, 28.

[23] Weber, Faking It, 13, 22.

[24] Ibid, 14, 31.

[25] Selfa, Lance. The Democrats: A Critical History. Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2008. 233.

[26] Goodman, Melvin A. National Insecurity: The Cost of American Militarism. San Francisco: City Light Books, 2013. 24, 33, 50.

[27] Weber, Faking It, 14.

[28] Kennedy, John K. “The Cuban Missile Crisis: President Kennedy’s Address to the Nation (1962).” A History of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America (ed. William H. Chaffe, Harvard Sitkoff and Beth Bailey). New York: Oxford University Press, 2008. 27.

[29] Selfa, The Democrats, 126, 139.

[30] Seymour, Liberal Defense of Murder, 127.

[31] Selfa, The Democrats, 233.

[32] CIA, 1962: Title unknown; Electronic Reading Room; CREST: 25-Year Program Archive; CREST; National Archives at College Park, MD. I do know the unique number of this document, which is CIA-RDP79M00098A000200070001-2. Based on the document, it was likely written in 1962. However the tone of the document makes it seem that it was written well after then. This report is assumed to be the U.S. Intelligence Board or the CIA in general. At the meeting of the USIB it was also declared that “the Soviets evidently hope to deter any such attempt by enhancing Castro’s defensive capabilities and by threatening Soviet military retaliation…they…recognize that the development of an offensive military base in Cuba might provoke U.S. military intervention and thus defeat their present purpose…the threat inherent in these developments is that, to the extent that that Castro regime thereby gains a sense of security at home, it will be emboldened to become more aggressive in fomenting revolutionary activity in Latin America.” The fact that even the USIB recognized this is significant.

[33] CIA, 1960: Title unknown; Electronic Reading Room; CREST: 25-Year Program Archive; CREST; National Archives at College Park, MD. I do know the unique number of this document, which is CIA-RDP90T00782R000100120008-3. Based on this link, I can determine this is a document from 1960.

[34] CIA, 1985: Title unknown; Electronic Reading Room; CREST: 25-Year Program Archive; CREST; National Archives at College Park, MD. While the title is unknown the sections cited are the following “Negotiations of President Reagan” and “Draft Proposed Language Rejecting a False Political Solution.”

[35] Gleijeses, Piero. Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington, and Africa, 1959-1976. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002. 93.

[36] It started in 1961 despite a typo in the Church Committee report saying 1962.

[37] For the words “actually overthrow” see this page. For the words “angry Cuban exiles” see these two pages here and and here. For the words “acts of sabotage” see this page.

[38] For the words “internal revolt” see this page. For the words “cause chaos in Cuba” see this page. For the words “sabotage operations” see this page. Richard Seymour describes Operation Mongoose on page 127 as a “policy of sabotage, attempted assassination and planned terrorist attacks” which were aimed against Castro, who wasn’t even Communist when he began his revolutionary path.

[39] For the words “anti-Castro terrorist activity” see pages here and here. For the words “Cuban dissident groups” see this page. For the words “escalating covert operations” see this page. In terms of other pages, they show that the US was worried about supposed Cuban “retaliation,” the CIA telling a Cuban contact that material would be provided to kill Castro and wanting a speech by Kennedy to serve as a signal to dissident elements in Cuba that the US government supported them.

[40] Durnham, Robert B. Operation Northwoods. False Flags, Covert Operations, and Propaganda. First Edition. Pages 143-5. This assassination attempts included trying to sabotage Castro’s speeches, poison Castro’s cigars (with the poison even tested on monkeys), using gambling contacts to try and assassinate Castro, and other wacky plans like a poison pen, by rifle and so on

[41] Blum, William. Rogue State: A Guide to the World’s Only Superpower. Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press, 2000. 39.

[42] Blum, Rogue State, 108-9.

[43] Ellston, Jon. Operation Mongoose. Psywar on Cuba: The Declassified History of U.S. Anti-Castro Propaganda (ed. Jon Ellston). New York: Ocean Press, 1999. 117. Commentary before a USIA and CIA document about this blimp on the following page.

[44] Hanley, Richard. The World Trembles. Celia Sanchez: The Legend of Cuba’s Revolutionary Heart. New York: Agora Publishing, 2005. 146.

[45] Robert McNamara admits this, writing on page 215 of the book, Argument Without End: In Search of Answers to the Vietnam Tragedy that “covert operations almost always convey to those on the receiving end more hostile intent or capability than is meant or available. The 34-A operations against the North Vietnamese were just like Operation “MONGOOSE” against Cuba…We in Washington thought MONGOOSE was…merely “psychological salve for inaction.” The Cubans…believed it was a forerunner to invasion by the United States. This was a factor leading them to seek assistance from the Soviets, which in turn led to the Cuban missile crisis.”

[46] Gleijeses, Conflicting Missions, 94.

[47] Ibid, 94-5.

[48] Ibid, 95.

[49] Ibid, 96-7. As Gleijeses writes on page 97, at the same time, the “CIA mercenary army” which included Cuban exiles was “slaughtering Simbas,” with some saying it was “target practice for Fidel Castro.”

[50] Ibid, 98.

[51] Ibid, 95.

[52] Marcuse, Herbert. An Essay on Liberation. Boston: Beacon Press, 1969. viii.

[53] Green, Faces of Latin America, 191.

[54] By 1969, the Williams family returned. Page 51 of the book by Freedom Archives (cited in next footnote) notes that Mabel said that Fidel Castro agreed that Rob could have his own program, called Radio Free Dixie, a weekly program which was rebroadcast, with Rob writing the script and editorials, Mabel collecting news items.

[54] Freedom Archives. “Transcription of Self-Respect, Self-Defense, and Self-Determination” (audio documentary). Robert and Mabel Williams Resource Guide. San Francisco, CA: Agape Foundation, 2005. 13, 30.

[55] Freedom Archives, Robert and Mabel Williams Resource Guide, 14.

[56] Ibid, 25.

[57] Gleijeses, Conflicting Missions, 85.

[58] Ibid, 85-6.

[59] Ibid, 87.

[60] Ibid. Later, as noted on that page, one of the FRELIMO leaders, Mondalone, admitted in July 1968 that Cuba helped them “materially and technically, sending us war material [sic] and training some of our [military] cadres.”

[61] Ibid, 87-8.

[62] Ibid, 90-1. Gleijeses argues that Raul Castro was focused more on creating a powerful military than “Cuba’s wars of national liberation” on page 91.

[63] Ibid, 91-2. Gleijeses argues that there is little evidence that the Chinese provided more assistance than the Soviets in these liberation struggles and that the Soviets did not know about this training until April 1965 when Che told the Soviet Ambassador at the time.

[64] Ibid, 98. Gleijeses also argues on pages 98 to 99 that the Cuban perception of what was happening in Africa was not completely accurate because of an “overstimulation of the revolutionary potential” in Africa in general, and Zaire in particular, and there were no Cuban intelligence service in Zaire until early 1965.

[65] Ibid, 99.

[66] Ibid, 100; Oliver and Atmore, Africa Since 1800, 242.

[67] Gleijeses, Conflicting Missions, 102, 104.

[68] Ibid, 104.

[69] Ibid, 102.

[70] Ibid, 105.

[71] Ibid, 106, 119.

[72] Valdes, Nelson P. Revolutionary Solidarity in Angola. Cuba in the World (ed. Cole Blasier and Carmelo Mesa-Lago). Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1979. 95.

[73] Ibid, 96.

[74] Mittelman, James H. Underdevelopment and the Transition to Socialism: Mozambique and Tanzania. New York: Academic Press, 1981. 38. Around that time, a Cuban delegation headed by Armando Acosta went to Mozambique after its independence, but is unknown what was said as noted on page 98 of Cuba in the World by Valdes.

[75] Mittelman, Underdevelopment and the Transition to Socialism, 40 and Valdes, “Revolutionary Solidarity in Angola,” 95.

[76] “Hollywood, Si! Cuba, No!: U.S. Government Conspires to Keep Revolutionary Films from American People.” The Black Panther, June 10, 1972. Page 5.

[77] “Hollywood, Si! Cuba, No!: U.S. Government Conspires to Keep Revolutionary Films from American People.” The Black Panther, June 10, 1972. Page 5 and page 17.

[78] Newton, Huey. “Message of solidarity to our Cuban comrades.” The Black Panther, August 6, 1971. Pages 8-9. Letter sent on July 24, 1971.

[79] Blum, Rogue State, 109.

[80] Ibid, 111.

[81] For the 97.7% number: Suchlicki, Jaime. The Decade of Institutionalization. Cuba: From Columbus to Castro and Beyond (Fifth Edition). Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books, 2002. 299; Cannon, Terence. Revolutionary Cuba. Crowell: 1981. 245; Hanke, Lewis and Rausch, Jane M. People and Issues in Latin American History: From Independence to the Present: Sources and Interpretations. Makus Wiener Publishers, 1999. 346; Deutsch, Karl W., Dominguez, Jorge I., and Heclo, Hugh. Comparative government: politics of industrialized and developing nations. Houghton Mifflin: 1981. 440; Suchlicki, Jaime. Historical Setting. Cuba: A Country Study (ed. Rex A. Hudson). Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 2001. 79; best information comes from this source: Dominguez, Jorge. Mass Political Participation. Cuba: Order and Revolution. London: Belknap Press, 1978. 301. More books can be found here, most of which I didn’t list because you can only read “snippets” of them.

[82] Mujal-Leon, Eusebio. Higher Education and the Institutionalized Regime. Cuban Communism 1959-1995 (Eighth Edition, ed. Irving Louis Horowitz). London: New Brunswick Publishers, 1995. 365; de la Barra, Ximena and Dello Buono, Richard A. “Challenging the Existing Legality.” Latin America after the Neoliberal Debacle: Another Region is Possible. Plymouth, UK: Roman & Littlefield, 2009. 128-9; Unknown author. Cuba Since 1959. Cuba: A Short History (ed. Leslie Bethell). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998 reprint. Originally published in 1993. 129; Diaz-Briquets, Sergio and Pérez-López, Jorge F. Law and Practice of Environmental Protection. Conquering Nature: The Environmental Legacy of Socialism in Cuba. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000. 47-8; Gargarella, Roberto. Constitutionalism at the Mid-Twentieth Century and the Return of the “Social Question.” Latin American Constitutionalism, 1810-2010: The Engine Room of the Constitution. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. 126.

[83] See Travieso-Diaz, Matias F. Foreign Investment Legislation. The Laws and Legal System of a Free-market Cuba: A Prospectus for Business. London: Quorum Books, 1997. 106; Venegas, Cristina. Introduction. Digital Dilemmas: The State, The Individual, and Digital Media in Cuba. Rutgers University Press: London, 2010. 27.

[84] Gleijeses, Conflicting Missions, 227.

[85] Ibid and “Mozambique is Our Home.” The Black Panther, October 13, 1971. Page 11. Printed in the section of The Black Panther called “Intercommunal News.” In The Black Panther it is noted that after Mozambicans tried to peacefully demonstrate and were massacred by Portuguese colonists on June 16, 1960, the Mozambican people “learned that revolutionary violence was the only avenue left. So, in 1962, FRELIMO was formed, and armed struggle began in 1964.”

[86] “Mozambique is Our Home.” The Black Panther, October 13, 1971. Page 11. Printed in the section of The Black Panther called “Intercommunal News.”

[87] “Mozambique is Our Home.” The Black Panther, October 13, 1971. Page 18. Printed in the section of The Black Panther called “Intercommunal News.” This article also notes that at the time, Portugal was “even attempting an appeasement program in the yet-to-be liberated portions of Mozambique…the Mozambican people are winning, just as the Vietnamese people are winning, just as all of the oppressed people of the world will someday win over the oppressive United States Empire.”

[88] Sadukai, Owusu. “People’s Survival Programs Thrive In Mozambique: Free Hospitals, Free Food, Free Schools for the Oppressed Black Community of Mozambique.” The Black Panther, April 7, 1972. Page 9-10 Reprinted from The American World Newspaper which was published by the Student Organization for Black Unity.

[89] Ibid, page 10. On page 11 it is noted that when a former Portuguese soldier was captured, instead of being tortured like the Portuguese do to FRELIMO fighters they capture, he was “given the standard FRELIMO treatment – intense political education. He was made aware of Portuguese exploits in Mozambique.”

[90] Ibid, page 11; Sadukai, Owusu. ““Tradition” Used to Oppress Africans.” The Black Panther, April 8, 1972. Page 8. Reprinted from The American World Newspaper which was published by the Student Organization for Black Unity. It is important to note, as pointed out in page 10 of Sadukai’s article, that “the first hospitals (and the only ones in those areas) came with the FRELIMO forces. In the area was visited, a few Italian doctors had come in and trained a corps of FRELIMO medical officers who in turn tutored local people in basic bio-medical practices such as administering shots and the like.”

[91] Sadukai, Owusu. ““Tradition” Used to Oppress Africans.” The Black Panther, April 8, 1972. Page 9, 11. Reprinted from The American World Newspaper which was published by the Student Organization for Black Unity.

[92] “Where Bombs are Common: Afro-American Brother Endures Portuguese Attack with FRELIMO Guerrillas.” The Black Panther, April 15, 1972. Page 9, 15. Reprinted from The American World Newspaper which was published by the Student Organization for Black Unity.

[93] Ibid, 16-7.

[94] Dorsch, Hauke. Trans-Atlantic Educational Crossroads: Experiences of Mozambican Students in Cuba. Transatlantic Caribbean: Dialogues of People, Practices, Ideas (ed. Ingrid Kummels, Claudia Rauhut, Stefan Rinke, and Birte Timm). Transcript Verlag (also by Columbia University Press), 2014. 85.

[95] Mittelman, Underdevelopment and the Transition to Socialism, 105, 117.

[96] Ibid, 117.

[97] Ibid, 118.

[98] “U.S. Empire’s Ethiopian Estate.” The Black Panther, Feb. 6, 1971, pages 12-3.

[99] Schoultz, Lars. Reconciliation and Estrangement: The Carter Years. That Infernal Little Cuban Republic: The United States and the Cuban Revolution. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009. 313. Human Rights Watch balked, calling the government “dictatorial” in nature, of course.

[100] Keller, Edmond J. Revolutionary Ethiopia: From Empire to People’s Republic (First Midland Books Edition). Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991. 268. Clearly an anti-communist, but something can be gleaned from the book, something.

[101] Keller, Revolutionary Ethiopia, 201, 223, 231.

[102] Weldemichael, Awet T. Third World Colonialism and Strategies of Liberation: Eritrea and East Timor Compared. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. 161.

[103] Ibid, 162-3.

[104] Ibid, 155.

[105] Crummey, Donald. Transformations: State, Land, and Society in Twentieth-Century Ethiopia. Land and Kingdom in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia: From the Thirteenth to the Twentieth Century. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000. 251.

[106] Weldemichael, Third World Colonialism and Strategies of Liberation, 196.

[107] This article also notes the following: “the history of Cuba’s large medical workforce begins in 1959. At the start of Fidel Castro’s revolution most of its doctors fled to the US. By necessity it had to train a large number of its own doctors. Since then the Government has focused on developing and maintaining a first-class universal healthcare system, actively encouraging its youth to pursue training in the health sciences and putting no restrictions on the number of doctors it trains. As a consequence, Cuba now has the highest number of doctors per capita in the world: in 2005 it had one doctor for every 159 people.”

[108] “Gulf Oil – From Atlanta to Angola.” Intercommunal News, June 5, 1971. page 13. The Intercommunal News was printed inside of The Black Panther. This article also says the following: “the same ruling circle that would stifle the revolutionary movements in Angola would do so here in its attempt to maintain and control of all the communities of the world. We must unite as oppressed people with the revolutionary forces in our world communities in order to transform this Empire into a new world, free of dominion and exploitation of man by man.” In a later article, “the Tanzaniation of Tanzania” in The Black Panther on June 26, 1971 (page 16), they imply that movements in Angola other than the MPLA are not revolutionary ones: “Tanzania has opened her doors in militant solidarity to revolutionary and progressive people throughout the world, and headquarters many African revolutionary organizations, such as MPLA…FRELIMO…[and] SWAPO…all located in Tanzania’s capital city of Dar Es Salaam…because of Nyerere’s strong and effective leadership…the U.S. Empire and its lackey, Great Britain, have been unable to establish any economic domination or control over Tanzania.”

[109] Valdes, “Revolutionary Solidarity in Angola,” 97.

[110] Ibid, 98. The text says Nixon but it is wrong as he was NOT in office at the time, having resigned in 1974.

[111] Ibid, 98-9.

[112] Ibid, 100-1.

[113] Ibid, 101-3; Oliver and Atmore, Africa Since 1800, 277.

[114] Oliver and Atmore, Africa Since 1800, 277.

[115] Ibid, 278.

[116] Valdes, “Revolutionary Solidarity in Angola,” 105-6.

[117] Ibid, 105.

[118] Ibid, 107.

[119] Ibid, 108.

[120] Ibid, 109-12.

[121] Oliver and Atmore, Africa Since 1800, 279, 299.

[122] Valdes “Revolutionary Solidarity in Angola,” 113.

[123] Oliver and Atmore, Africa Since 1800, 302, 339.

[124] Keller, Revolutionary Ethiopia, 268.

[125] Green, Faces of Latin America, 33; Johnson, Chalmers. Dismantling the Empire: America’s Last Best Hope. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2010. 57.

[126] CIA, 1982: “Key Judgments“; Electronic Reading Room; CREST: 25-Year Program Archive; CREST; National Archives at College Park, MD. I say 1982 because of the tone of the document overall implying it was written that year. The number of Cuban military personnel is strangely enough reported by Bob Woodward and numerous other sources. This document is important because it is Interagency Intelligence Memo requested by the Policy Planning Staff and Assistant Secretaries for Inter-American and African Affairs of the US State Department. This Memo was prepared under the “auspices of the National Intelligence Officer for Africa” with contributions from the CIA, DIA, and State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research, along with coordination with the CIA, State Department, NSA, intelligence organizations of the military, DIA, and numerous other government bodies. This document also said the following: “most Cuban advisers and troops are rotated after a two-year tour…the Soviets supply virtually all the equipment, ammunition, and petroleum used by the Cubans.” It also says that Castro “probably agrees with Moscow that Cuban troops: [1] support pro-Soviet regimes in Ethiopia and South Yemen [2] Counter US influence in the region, particularly in Somalia [3] Provide a base for the potential development of Cuban forces to other areas in the region. Furthermore, the USSR does not appear to have any pressing financial or military reasons to favor the reduction of Cuban forces…Moscow may see the Cuban troops as a means of furthering its aims and exerting psychological leverage on the Mengistu regime.”

[127] Weber, Faking It, 33.

[128] Oliver and Atmore, Africa Since 1800, 317.

[129] Ibid, 317, 340.

[130] CIA, December 1986: “Cuba: Training Third World Guerrillas;” Electronic Reading Room; CREST: 25-Year Program Archive; CREST; National Archives at College Park, MD. This document also declares that “Castro’s longtime strategy for promoting and supporting armed revolution in the Third World remains virtually undisturbed…this extensive infrastructure [of Cuba’s government and affiliated organizations] has as its principal long-term goal the systematic destabilization of governments targeted for overthrow by Havana” with the last part of destabilization of governments sounding more like what the CIA DOES than what Cuba ever did. The document also says that Cuba “funded and offered materiel assistance to regional leftist organizations in an effort to unify splintered radical groups” and that “the Cuban Communist Party’s 14-member Politburo theoretically functions as the chief decision-making and oversight body for Havana’s tightly controlled guerrilla support program” but that in practice “specific components of the larger Central Committee” are responsible for this effort, for “providing cohesion and direction to Cuba’s “liberation” programs in Latin America and the Caribbean.”

[131] Johnson, Chalmers. Blowblack: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2004. 28.

[132] CIA, 1985: Title unknown; Electronic Reading Room; CREST: 25-Year Program Archive; CREST; National Archives at College Park, MD. While the title is unknown the sections cited are the following “Negotiations of President Reagan” and “Draft Proposed Language Rejecting a False Political Solution.”

[133] CIA, 1966: “Cuba’s Sugar Crop Failure Poses Major Problems”; Electronic Reading Room; CREST: 25-Year Program Archive; CREST; National Archives at College Park, MD. While I didn’t print out the page that had the data, using inference it seems this document was created in 1966. This document also said that “Cuba’s sugar is now harvested and the results pose a rather bleak outlook for the island…the fundamental reason for the poor harvest was bad weather…there are many other factors…related to the nature of the Castro regime…the poor sugar harvest will have serious repercussions on the entire Cuban economy…most of the [sugar] crop goes to the Soviet bloc, but Cuba also sells substantial amounts of sugar in the Free World.

[134] CIA, 1980s: Title unknown; Electronic Reading Room; CREST: 25-Year Program Archive; CREST; National Archives at College Park, MD.  I do know the unique number of this document, which is CIA-RDP88T00768R000300290001-2. I say 1980s because I do not know the specific year and the document has a tone that seems like it was written AFTER the 1970s had ended. This document also says that “since 1975, construction and upgrading of military facilities have been stressed.”

[135] First document: CIA, November 7, 1986: Title unknown; Electronic Reading Room; CREST: 25-Year Program Archive; CREST; National Archives at College Park, MD. All that I have to reference this document is its unique number, which is CIA-RDP97-0077R00100640001-2. Second document: CIA, July 18, 1986: “Cuba: Growing Foreign Financing Problems.” Electronic Reading Room; CREST: 25-Year Program Archive; CREST; National Archives at College Park, MD. While this not the title of the document, it is the title of the section that I quote from. The first 1986 document said that “President Castro appears to have little choice but to eventually tighten economic austerity…Havana may try to negotiate its July rescheduling agreement with the Paris Club in hopes of reversing the commercial creditors’ decision not to commit any new funding…Cuban policymakers appear to be planning spending cuts, probably under the assumption of little immediate hard currency relief…increased austerity…is likely to raise the level of domestic dissatisfaction already exhibited in escalating antisocial activity.” The second 1986 document says that “Havana has…unilaterally suspended interest payments on both its official and commercial debt coming due in early July” and that “start-up delays, planning and distribution problems, agricultural disasters, and the continued impact of the US trade embargo also were cited by Cuban officials as major factors retarding the growth of hard currency exports last year.”

[136] CIA, August 22, 1986: Title unknown; Electronic Reading Room; CREST: 25-Year Program Archive; CREST; National Archives at College Park, MD. All that I have to reference this document is its unique number, which is CIA-RDP88-00798R000400130005-1. CIA, August 29, 1986: Title unknown; Electronic Reading Room; CREST: 25-Year Program Archive; CREST; National Archives at College Park, MD. All that I have to reference this document is its unique number, which is CIA-RDP88-00798R000400140005-0.

[137] CIA, 1988: Title unknown; Electronic Reading Room; CREST: 25-Year Program Archive; CREST; National Archives at College Park, MD. All that I have to reference this document is its unique number: CIA-RDP88T00768R000200170001-6. A caption of one picture mentions that the Soviet Embassy Complex was “inaugurated last year,” that year being 1987. That means the document had to be been created in 1988. This document also said that “Castro continued to try to justify his requests to Moscow for increased aid by reminding the Soviets of his usefulness to them in the Third World…Castro has had no new “victories” in the Third World to herald in recent years, however, and in our judgment, the Cuba leader’s ability to deflect Moscow’s pressures is at its lowest point since 1967.”

[138] Blum, Rogue State, 109-10; Johnson, Blowblack, 119.

[139] Ignatius, David. “Innocence Abroad: The New World of Spyless Coups.” The Washington Post (pre-1997 Fulltext): c01. Sep 22 1991.ProQuest. Web. 15 Apr. 2016. Ignatius was then foreign editor of the Washington Post. One article, I found when researching, which focuses on the Solidarity Center, part of NED, claimed that this article was in the New York Times but it turns out that that wasn’t correct. Still, the article did seem to be otherwise comprehensive in its criticism. Even Melvin Goodman, the former CIA analyst calls Ignatius an apologist for the CIA, especially for its crimes in recent years (see here and here).

[140] Nye, Joseph. “Letters.” Foreign Policy. 161 (2007): 4, 10, 12-5. ProQuest. Web. 15 Apr. 2016.

[141] See documents here, here, here, here, and here.

[142] See documents here, here, here, and here. Also see these documents on US State Department funding of NED here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, and here.

[143] Even the former UN Special Rapporteur on occupied Palestine (basically) Human Rights, Richard Falk, who has often written about Israel and Palestine, wrote in a 2012 opinion piece the following: “…Washington shrieks of wounded innocence, as if Cairo had no grounds whatsoever for concern, are either the memory lapses of a senile bureaucracy or totally disingenuous. In the past it has been well documented that IRI and DNI were active in promoting the destabilisation of foreign governments that were deemed to be hostile to the US foreign policy agenda. The Reagan presidency made no secret of its commitment to lend all means of support to political movements dedicated to the overthrow of left-leaning governments in Latin America and Asia.” This is important to note as the US thinks that other countries “forget” its past efforts of destabilization.

[144] Johnson, Blowblack, 87.

[145] Blum, Rogue State, 80.

[146] Ibid, 110-1, 197.

[147] de la Barra, Ximena and Dello Buono, Richard A. “Fragilities of Representative Democracy in the Washington Consensus Era.” Latin America after the Neoliberal Debacle: Another Region is Possible. Plymouth, UK: Roman & Littlefield, 2009. 21.

[148] Goodman, National Insecurity, 264.

[149] Ibid, 377.

[150] Green, Faces of Latin America, 153, 157, 165. On page 157, Green notes that “one writer noted that although male Communist Party militants may offer to do the washing, they insist that their wives hang it out to dry so that their neighbours won’t find out!”

[151] Johnson, Dismantling the Empire, 14; Blum, Rogue State, 140-1.

[152] Weber, Faking It, 1, 4, 7, 35.

[153] Green, Faces of Latin America, 135, 145-6, 148.

[154] Blum, Rogue State, 169.

Cuba: an imagined scenario

the falter of uncle sam
This 1896 cartoon is a Spanish satirical drawing by Manuel Moline, published in a Catalan satire magazine, criticizes U.S. behavior in relation to Cuba. The cartoon is titled “the falter of Uncle Sam” and the caption at the bottom simply says that Spain should keep or save (depending on the translation) so the island (Cuba) so it won’t be lost. While it takes a view, which is basically in favor of Spanish empire to “save” Cuba, it is still relevant today as the US is clearly engaging in the same actions in regards to Cuba.

There has been much talk about the US “opening up” to Cuba since “normalization” of relations starting in late 2014 and its results. American hotel corporations such as Airbnb, Starwood, Marriott, and possibly Choice Hotels, along with other companies like AT&T, are already salivating at this opportunity of what they see as a new market, with many working out deals to obtain a foothold in the country. [1] Different articles in the bourgeois New York Times note that hotel chains such as Starwood and Marriott are expected to begin managing hotels that cater to American expectations, due to the expected increase of US tourists, but are owned by the Cuban state tourism company and staffed mainly by Cubans, with US elections apparently a factor of whether Cuban officials see these investments as worthwhile. [2] Additionally, companies such as PepsiCo, Home Depot, Caterpillar, and Deere & Company, want to, in the view of the Times, establish “a toehold in the country” but that it will be nearly impossible “for American companies with franchise-based models” like McDonald’s, Subway or Dunkin’ Donuts “to establish beachheads.” [3] Industry trade groups are at the front lines of this “race” to “open” up Cuba to more Western investment, first by ending the Cuba embargo, like the recently-created U.S. Agricultural Coalition for Cuba and the National Chicken Council. [4] The most fervent is the conservative business group, the US Chamber of Commerce, wanting to lift travel, trade, and any other restrictions on Cuba, such as economic sanctions, even creating an entity called the U.S.-Cuba Business Council, since at least 2000, and staying within the bounds of anti-communism. [5] This response by the capitalist class is not a surprise. After all, as Karl Marx and Engels noted in the Communist Manifesto, the bourgeoisie is in need of “a constantly expanding market for its products” meaning that “it must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere” and engage in “exploitation of the world market.” [6] This article puts forward a unique way of looking at this issue by proposing a not-so-distant-future scenario of what could happen if the “democratic” opposition, backed by the US government, is victorious in their fight against the Cuban communist government.

A frightening scenario

Let’s say the wild dream of the liberals and progressives comes true, and their “savior,” Bernie Sanders wins the U.S. presidency (which is highly unlikely, but bear with me). Even though he claims to be a socialist, he is clearly a social democrat with a “moderate” imperialist foreign policy, as noted in my previous post. Imagine if you will, this scenario in the year 2018, in the fall of that year. [7] Here it goes…


All those years of meddling paid off…for the American capitalists, of course. Radio/TV Marti, a program of the Broadcasting Board of Governors, declared triumphantly that John F. Kennedy’s wish for a “genuinely independent Cuba, free to determine its destiny” had been achieved and that the “captive people of Cuba” have been freed from the yoke of oppression. [8] At this time, the US Congress had voted unanimously for the Cuban Freedom Restoration Act of 2018 the previous fall (fall 2017), lifting the economic, commercial and financial embargo against Cuba which the United Nations General Assembly had voted against year after year, declaring it as unnecessary. [9] There was no need for any more “mercenaries of empire” as the old communist Cuban government had called them, which the US propaganda news outlet, Voice of America, called the “moral equivalent of our Founding Fathers,” not like the mujahadeen, with a picture of the USAID-funded Cuban Transition Project researchers cheering. The International Republican Institute (IRI) mused that their magical public opinion poll, years back, cited approvingly by the bourgeois media, was right, and that they had predicted the reality.[10]

In the Miami Herald, Elizardo Sanchez, founder of the former Cuban Human Rights and National Reconciliation Commission, who had been declared as a “well-known human rights activist” and a “leading dissident” in the past, laughed that the former Cubans were right to declare her as an enemy who could easily stage a protest. She revealed openly that her group had been funded by USAID, the whole time that the US State Department used it as a source in their reports from 1999-2015, [11] which she was proud of, because in her words, the US was “greeted as liberators” in Cuba and was the indispensable bastion of democracy in the world. [12] The ZunZuneo project, which had been covertly backed by USAID years ago, was now openly backed by USAID, and a panoply of other agents, with millions of dollars going to support civil society initiatives in Cuba, with an anti-communist flavor of course, and it was booming, with over 400,000 users in Florida and parts of Cuba. [13] There was no need to call Cuba a “totalitarian” or “authoritarian” state headed by Fidel Castro, as the US State Department had done. [14] Instead, in a rare joint press conference between the US State Department and the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), it was declared that the only dictatorship in the Western Hemisphere had vanished, erasing the repression of what they called the Castro regime, and that the society was now open, thanks to the pro-democracy movement they had fostered with their monies, as they openly admitted. [15]

What an open society meant should be obvious. The new Cuban government, easily recognized by the imperial US government, was very welcoming of US investment. As a result, they had dismantled the collectivist system and removed government controls on agriculture, which the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) had criticized in 2008, and was glad to see removed. There was, as Conoco Senior Managers had wanted in 2002, blatant propaganda in the bourgeois media within the United States encouraging American workers and businesses to fulfill their wildest dreams in Cuba, to seize their economic opportunities by the horns. The new “democratic” Cuban government, at least as it was described that way by the US State Department, had reformed its economy, and improved its human rights record, as perceived by Tom Donahue, still president of the US Chamber of Commerce. [16]

The power of free enterprise, as bourgeois analysts in newspapers and talking heads in the corporate media declared, had been unleashed in Cuba in an unstoppable torrent. The first step was the continuation of a dialogue on confiscated assets. This dialogue, accompanied by the shift from a planned economy to a full-on market economy, included instituting laws that attempted to address claims of those “whose properties were wrongly expropriated without compensation” at least in the eyes of USAID and the new government in Cuba. Advisers of the new government had followed Matías F. Travieso-Díaz’s “Alternative Recommendations for Dealing with Confiscated Property in Post-Castro Cuba” as outlined in a 2003 report of the USAID-funded Cuban Transition Project. The report declared that resolution of US claims is not practicable as long as the socialist government, at this time not in power, is in power, and that a transition government will be burdened “by a very large external debt” owed to Western private and public lenders and will have to default “on its loan obligations.” By this point, the transition government was declared democratic by the Organization of American States (OAS) and the OAS had readmitted Cuba with a cheers of applause at its first meeting.

The property claims were resolved, which was why, based on a model as put forward in the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act, the economic embargo had been lifted, following the exact pathway noted in a USAID report all those years ago. [17] President Sanders, in a speech in June 2018, cheered the removal of a communist dictator, just like had when he had called Venezuelan revolutionary leader Hugo Chavez a “dead communist dictator,” and certified that a “democratically elected government has achieved power in Cuba,” initiating this process. The events that followed were outlined precisely in the report, with the Cuban government paying about $6 billion to US individuals and corporations with property claims before expropriation in 1959 and the early 1960, encouraging right-wing Cuban-American exiles to be some of “the first investors in an open Cuban market” and compensating them for expropriated property. They knew that if this was unresolved, then the power of this exile community “could be turned against stabilizing a new government in Cuba” which could harm Cuba-U.S. relations. [18] Additionally, those Cubans were against the Cuban government, in the past, were compensated in order to avoid “capital flight from the island.” At the same time, the decision of a court in the past, which “awarded damages of $181.1 billion and ordered the U.S. to apologize” for the Cuban embargo, was annulled. There was also the establishment of a Cuba-U.S. Claims Tribunal and Cuban Special Claims Court with the Cuba-U.S. Claims Agreement, a treaty unanimously supported by the U.S. Senate and happily supported by President Sanders. At the same time, U.S. corporations have been rushing into Cuba since this new government took control, as they declared that there would be “sustainable foreign investment in the Cuban economy,” unlike in the past, and that they had to beat foreign competitors.

The new Western-friendly, “democratic” government of Cuba had followed what NED’s president said in 2006, ending “its isolation from the international economy,” implying neoliberal policy. This government has also released literature deriving from a speech by George W. Bush at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, for NED’s 20th anniversary, declaring that its rise to power is part of “the swiftest advance of freedom in the 2,500 year story of democracy…the advance of markets and free enterprise” which ends an “outpost of oppression in our world” and declares that “Communism, and militarism and rule by the capricious and corrupt are the relics of a passing era.” It has made this a reality in a simple way. For one, the former four major pillars of the Cuban economy, “tourism, Venezuelan subsidies, Cuban health care to foreign patients, and nickel mining,” as noted in an old USAID report, has been expanded and changed. These changes includes the negotiating of a free trade agreement between the right-wing Venezuelan government and the the government of Cuba, pushed along by the United States. At the same time, Cuba had a lot of external debt, as was noted earlier, they worked with financiers from the World Bank, IMF, and hedge funds to hammer out a deal. This deal was destructive of the existing socialist system, but it made the companies very pleased.

The reforms demanded by Western donors were neoliberal and involved privatization. Rather than be guided by what some important people said at a conference in 2004 about Cuba’s future in transitioning from communism, the government leaped into action. It took to heart what Antonio Jorge had written in a report for Cuban Transition Project in 2003: “Privatization will be, in more than one sense, the centerpiece of the transition process. The particulars it will exhibit will be decisive in stimulating the reconstruction of the economy and energizing its development.” First, this government, in order to supposedly make Cuba’s workers more productive, “let wages and working conditions be determined by market forces,” meaning that there are few regulations on workplaces and a low minimum wage, along with consideration of education vouchers. [19] In addition, the government claimed that, similar to what Carmelo Mesa-Lago said in a 2005 Cuban Transition Project report, which advocates for neoliberalism and implies privatization, Cuba’s economy will only be “saved” “unless current policies are reversed again in the direction of the market.” [20] In an even bigger step, the government declared, following the view of USAID Director of the Office of Infrastructure and Engineering, Juan Belt, that there needs to be significant “reforms” to the electricity sector “to give comfort to potential investors.” These reforms include privatization of the state-owned utility Union Electrica and more utilities like in pre-1959 Cuba, Batista’s dictatorship. Also, following the report, the government declared that there needs to be movement to “a competitive model” in the electricity sector, which “would take three to five years” and welcomed US government support for the “potential reforms of the power sector.”

That’s not all. Following the views of USAID engineers in August 2007, the government declared recently that there should be more private sector participation in telecommunications, making the environment for private investment favorable, and privatizing numerous sectors. According to the report, the government would raise tariffs to cover costs, privatize “distribution companies [and] privatize [energy] generation after distribution companies have been privatized for one year,” open up the telecom industry to “competition” and ultimately engage in full privatization, and privatize the water sector. The report said something that the government completely agrees with, that “there may be a need to have an overall privatization strategy…a reform of these infrastructure sector and particularly privatization has to be carried out under a framework for addressing property claims,” with privatization completed in five years time. Other reports that the government followed, declared that the telecommunications network should be privatized by creating “a privately owned telephone network” along with increasing the “the attractiveness of a privatized communications enterprise.” The government has also followed the recommendations of Steven G. Ullmann in a Cuban Transition Project report in 2005, who argued that the Cuban healthcare system should be privatized with a plan to “allow and foster a two-tiered public/private system of health care,” and providing an “opportunity for foreign investment.” The current, Western-friendly government ignored the parts of the report which said that “Cuba’s comprehensive health care system serves the entire population” and touted some its successes, but noted that the privatization of health care was vital going forward but that “the basic health care system [must] be maintained” because otherwise it could “cause significant disruption and foster distrust for any new regime.”

There is one more step forward, one that will shake the bedrock of Cuba completely. This isn’t in reference to the 1996 law [21] which claims that “the timing, nature and course of the Cuban transition [from communism] must be determined by the Cuban people themselves” which is a lie. It also isn’t in reference to the fact that with such a transition government, the United States is prepared “to enter into negotiations to either return the Naval Base at Guantanamo to Cuba” or renegotiate it, and it isn’t about establishing a market economy, as an old USAID report notes. Its about looking back to either retain or incorporate elements of the 1940 Cuban Constitution, assisted by Western donors to bring neoliberalism to “areas such as market economics, finance, accounting, business management, law, sociology and history,” assisted by the United States and the international community, whatever that means. The government simply followed the guidelines of Oscar M. Garibaldi and John D. Kirby in their 2003 Cuban Transition Project report. [22] The report argued that “the constitutional protection of private property rights” is an economic necessity, with “a system of private property rights adequately protected by law and free of excessive restrictions is a necessary condition to the development of free-market democracy” noting that the Cuban communist government, in their words, engaged in “outright destruction of the fabric of private property rights.” The transitional government now in place agrees that there should be economic redress for dispossessed owners of seized property, legitimizing the government to “the international investment community,” and accompanied by “rapid privatization of state-owned property, especially by means of restitution to dispossessed owners.” Most concerning to people who care about justice across the world, on the radical side of the equation, was the creation of a new Cuban Constitution, based off the 1940 constitution, which has numerous clauses “more or less directly related to the protection of property rights” including Articles 23, 24, 33, 43, 87, 89, 90, 93, 273, 274, 276. The government then declared, echoing the report, that there was a need to “strengthen the institution of private property” in order to “develop markets and to attract outside investment” and that the new constitution needs to be brought into “harmony with the democratic, freemarket revolution that has swept much of Latin America and Eastern Europe during the last two decades.” They lastly declared that “the regime of Fidel Castro has left Cubans in chains and in tatters.”

All of this was possible because of rushed elections in spring of 2018, which followed the guidelines of a IFES document on non-communist elections in Cuba. The document’s executive summary declares that there need to be “free and fair elections” in Cuba, which have “minimum international norms and standards” along with “honest, efficient and transparent system of election administration.” The 1999 report, which spans more than 140 pages, in whole, declares that: (1) elections of “all candidates and political parties” must be “truly competitive,” (2) special attention be paid to “voting and election rights,” (3) registration is impartial, voting is accessible to all who are registered, every citizen’s vote “should have equal value to that of any other citizen,” and (4) all adult citizens should have the right to be a political candidate or form and/or “join a political group in order to compete in an election” but there can be rare exceptions to this. The report also declares that the following: “there should be equal opportunity of access to the media” and that “all candidates and parties should have equal protection of the law” with restrictions on the rights of a candidate, party or campaign if they have a “demonstrable impact on national security or public order, the protection of public health, morals and safety, or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.” This report goes on to say that the state must affirm its election responsibilities, political parties should be allowed “the greatest possible freedom consistent with minimum standards of public safety and welfare,” a Code of Conduct should be adopted, any media that is state-controlled should let any “candidates and parties…communicate their views to the electorate without interference” in a privatized “free press.” The transitional government of Cuba followed this report in its fullest dimensions, by “governing de facto without a Constitution” until general elections were held. While some countries, such as Russia and China declared this was authoritarian in nature, the Cuban government scoffed at such remarks, with liberal pundits laughing such characterizations, declaring that Cubans are free at last, free at last, using clips of Martin Luther King Jr. to illustrate their points.

Before we get to who was elected, there is an important element to note. Following with the IFES report said about restricting rights of a certain party, candidate or campaign if they impact, presumably negatively, “national security or public order, the protection of public health, morals and safety, or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others,” the Communist Party of Cuba was banned from fielding candidates. This happened through decrees of defected members of Cuba’s military, paid by the CIA, who had engineered a coup de’tat, in early 2018, which overthrew the communist government. Then, these military men decreed that the Communist Party of Cuba was banned and that elections for the transitional government would occur later that following year. These elections happened without any violence, except toward those who were former supporters of the communist government, because the US government wanted it that way so they could declare that a new transitional Cuban government was duly elected in a democratic manner. However, the elections were just a facade, a way for the companies and the US government to pull the strings in Cuba once again. Clearly, what had unfolded was the coming of what bourgeois analysts called liberal democracy, allowing the United States, Spain and other countries to “play a decisive role in Cuba’s immediate future” as William Ratliff argued in a 2004 report for the Cuban Transition Project. [23]

The people who were elected as part of the transitional government in Cuba were the folks that you would expect. These included Rosa Maria Paya, a recipient of a NED award as a young leader of a likely USAID-backed Christian Liberation Movement (MCL), who declared in April 2013 to NED that “Cuban people do not need external solutions” and that “this is a dangerous moment but it is also a moment of hope…It is time for a referendum, it is time for the truth, it is time for democracy. It´s the time of the Liberation.” [24] As the pundits now agreed, what she had said in 2013 was an utter joke because the Cuban people were being given “external solutions” by USAID, NED, IFES, IRI, BBG, and likely the CIA. One woman, Marisel Trespalacios, a NED fellow, was flown down to Cuba at the expense of the US State Department before the elections, and was elected due to her part in an NGO called Ágora Cuba. Additionally, five “Cuban democracy activists” as NED had called them when each received a “Democracy Award” in 2009, Jorge Luis Garcia Pérez (“Antúnez”), José Daniel Ferrer García , Librado Linares García, Ivan Hernandez Carrillo, and Iris Tamara Pérez Aguiler, won political office in this transitional government. [25] Also, Berta Soler, the leader of the Damas de Blanco or Ladies in White who had received a NED “Democracy Service medal” in person, in 2012, was elected. [26] If this wasn’t enough, Mr. Normando Hernández a supposedly independent journalist who co-founded the Cuban Foundation for Human Rights, and was a NED fellow, was also elected. Some former dissidents, as the Western world calls them, were elected, like the son of Afro-Cuban Orlando Zapata Tamayo (I don’t know if he has a son, but go with it), along with the co-founder of the Cuban Democratic Directorate, Orlando Gutierrez, Ramon Humberto Colas from Cuba, Antonio Rodiles, Juan Carlos Gonzalez Leiva, and Rolando Rodriguez Lobaina, and a number of other former “democracy” activists not listed here or here.

The political environment in Cuba also changed, arguably for the worse. The Cuban Democratic Directorate, which worked closely with Carl Gershman, who was a Reaganite and still the acting NED President, applauded the transitional government for recognizing those within their organization for “their historic contribution to the cause of human freedom” along with the demise of “the Castro dictatorship” and “revolutionary and anti-imperialist posturing.” [27] Those “Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDRs)” that Gershman hated, had been abolished, and the Varela Project was put on a higher pedestal than before, since, as the Directorate noted, the Cuban government had normalized its relations with the Cuban people.” [28] Gershman, in a NED press release, was glad that NED’s awards to the Pro-Democracy Movement in Cuba, as they called it then, had done something, and that “totalitarian Cuba” had come to an end. He also declared that this new government was, like that “democracy reform” movement NED had backed, creating “a democratic future,” while he was glad that there was “greater rights guarantees in Cuba” and that the “harsh dictatorship,” an “authoritarian stronghold,” had its demise just like in Mexico. [29] Gershman also declared that these elections meant that NED wouldn’t need to work inside what his organization had called “a closed, totalitarian system” in order to achieve “political change” and that the number of programs in place would be diminished. He still reasserted NED’s supposed support for “dissidents everywhere who struggle for democracy,” or what they define as democracy, by continuing programs such as “Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellows Program” named after one of NED’s main founders, Ronald Reagan and continuing to issue “alerts” as they deemed fit. Gershman, later, in an interview with the New York Times, laughed at how big unions, big corporations, foundations, and universities backed/sponsored them, which no one had seemed to notice except a few hard-nosed critics. [30]

On top of this, NED put out literature from renowned anti-communist Dr. Mary Speck, who was once a NED fellow, about Cuba’s “consolidation of communist rule.” Other literature quoted the late Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas, noting that his claim that he was falsely accused of working for the US government and threatening national independence of Cuba, were wrong since his efforts were funded fully by the US government, specifically NED and USAID. [31] Around the same time, congressmember Ileana Ros-Lethinen gave an interview in which she declared that “the thugs in Cuba” had been defeated and she, along with other members of Congress, stood “united in solidarity” and supported the Cuban government’s “courageous efforts for democracy.” She also said, in that interview, that now USAID had no reason to fear the government of Cuba restricting its programs and that a “peaceful transition to democracy in Cuba” had finally come.

Despite all of these efforts, the ardent communists and socialists, those who were actually on the side of justice, freedom, liberty, and the Cuban people at-large, were holding huge demonstrations despite the ban in the electoral system on the Cuban Communist Party and repressive measures used against them. There has been mass anger in the streets, some even saying that the 2018 elections were rigged in support of the supposedly democratic forces. There are allies of the communists, who are abroad and on the island, who have considered engaging in another communist revolution to restore what is lost and to return the island to a state of peace and prosperity rather than a playground for the American imperialists and their capitalist buddies. Others fear that Cuba was going back a time when the United States modeled Cuba “as both a miniature of and a complement to the United States.” recreating the island itself “in the image of American liberal capitalism.” [32] Whatever happens, it is abundantly clear that neoliberalism in Cuba in the year 2018 will reign down destruction and lead to benefits for an American capitalist class, along with other Western investors, but not benefit the Cuban populace.


As a final note in this section, I know that not everything was included in this imagined future, but my idea was to portray what might happen if the US-backed Cuban opposition took power. I can assure that all of the links to official government sources such as NED, USAID, and so on are summarized to the best of their ability. This is meant to show what those who defend Cuba are up against. The next article in this series will explain more about communist Cuba in terms of the efforts of imperial destabilization by the murderous American empire, a historical background, refuting the claim that the Cuban government is “authoritarian,” and generating, hopefully, a fruitful discussion.

Notes
[1] See Nancy Trejos’s article in USA Today titled “Marriott CEO to join Obama in Cuba” (March 17, 2016) and Matt Spetalnick’s article in Reuters titled “AT&T, Starwood, Marriott working on Cuba deals ahead of Obama visit” (March 12, 2016). Also see articles in Politico, Toronto Sun, Fortune, Vox, and numerous others (see here, here, here, here, and here).
[2] See two articles by Victoria Burnett in the New York Times: “American Hotel Brands Move Into Cuba” (Mar. 22, 2016) and “American Firm, Starwood, Signs Deal to Manage Hotels in Cuba” (Mar 19, 2016).
[3] See Julie Creswell’s article in the New York Times: “U.S. Companies Clamor to Do Business in New Cuban Market,” Dec. 18, 2014.
[4] There is a possibility that the members of CropLife America would not be opposed to this either, based on the link on their website about biotech crops (read GMO) introduced in Cuba. For the list of other industry trade groups in general, see here.
[5] The evidence that the US Chamber of Commerce wants Cuba opened up is very obvious. Its right there on their website: “Dump the Cuba Embargo, Americans Say” (2015); “Letter Supporting H.R. 4645, the “Travel Restriction Reform and Export Enhancement Act”” (2010); “Submission for the Record to the USITC on Cuba” (2015); “U.S. Chamber Applauds Bill to Lift Cuba Travel Ban” (2009); “Letter Supporting H.R. 874 and S. 428, the “Freedom to Travel to Cuba Act”” (2009); “With Cuba, Jobs and Opportunity Taking Flight” (2016); Chamber Leads U.S. Delegation to Cuba as Doors and Networks Open” (2015); “U.S. Chamber Testimony Urges End to Embargo on Cuba” (2009); “U.S. Chamber Welcomes Moves to Ease Travel, Trade Restrictions on Cuba” (2016); “Prospects for the Cuban Economy & The Potential of U.S.-Cuba Bilateral Ties”[event] (2016 presumably); “U.S. Chamber Applauds White House for Easing Cuba Travel Ban” (2009); “Donohue Joins House Leaders to Advance Trade with Cuba” (2009); “Testimony on U.S.-China Policy” (2010); “U.S. Chamber’s Donohue to Lead Delegation to Cuba” (2012); “Chamber Welcomes Bill to Ease Farm, Medical Sales to Cuba” (2007); “U.S. Chamber Testifies in Support of Steps to Ease Restrictions on Exports & Travel to Cuba” (2010); “U.S. Chamber Hails Moves to Ease Trade, Travel with Cuba” (2010); “Testimony on “Examining the Status of U.S. Trade with Cuba and its Impact on Economic Growth”” (2009); “U.S. Chamber President Says Cuba Restrictions Must End” (2000); “U.S. Chamber Welcomes Progress in U.S.-Cuba Relations” (2014); “Letter regarding H.R. 4645, the “Travel Restriction Reform and Export Enhancement Act”” (2010); “Oppose Unilateral Economic Sanctions” (2015); “U.S. Chamber Calls Nethercutt” (2000); “U.S. Chamber Urges Bipartisan Foreign Policy” (2001, mentioned in passing); “How Government Can Really Help Workers” (2000, mentioned in passing); “U.S. Chamber Policy Accomplishments January–December 2015” (2015, mentioned as one short section); “Text of 2016 State of American Business Address” (2016, mentioned in passing); and “Illinois Chamber PAC Dinner Speech” (2002, mentioned in passing).
[6] Marx, Karl and Engels, Frederick. The Communist Manifesto/Manifesto of the Communist Party. New York: International Publishers, 2009 (this edition originally published in 1948). 12.
[7] It might seem unthinkable since the Cuban communist government has not been dislodged or overthrown due to outside meddling either by the United States or Western countries, but it is something that should be considered.
[8] These quotes come from Kennedy’s speech during the US-induced Cuban missile crisis, in which he spoke of “…the possibility of a genuinely independent Cuba, free to determine its destiny” (page 28) and said: “…to the captive people of Cuba…your leaders are no longer Cuban leaders inspired by Cuban ideals. They are puppets and agents of an international conspiracy which has turned Cuba against your friends and neighbors in the Americas…[when the Cubans removed Soviet influence then they] shall…be welcomed back to the society of free nations and to the associations of this hemisphere” like the OAS (page 29). Of course, Kennedy is a big liar and knows it since he is really just promoting a policy of imperialist destabilization. More directly, these quotes come from this source: Kennedy, John K. “The Cuban Missile Crisis: President Kennedy’s Address to the Nation (1962).” A History of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America (ed. William H. Chaffe, Harvard Sitkoff and Beth Bailey). New York: Oxford University Press, 2008. 27-8.
[9] Here is the most recent resolution condemning the US embargo of Cuba: http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/70/5
[10] Here are links on the IRI site to their magic poll purporting to show low support for the Cuban government, which any informed observer should be skeptical of or just dismiss as imperialist bunk based on their funders: http://www.iri.org/resource/usa-today-features-iri-cuba-pollhttp://www.iri.org/resource/los-angeles-times-cites-iri-cuba-survey, http://www.iri.org/resource/washington-times-cites-iri-cuba-report, http://www.iri.org/resource/chicago-tribune-cites-iri-cuba-poll, http://www.iri.org/resource/miami-herald-cites-iris-cuba-poll, http://www.iri.org/resource/new-york-times-features-iri-cuba-poll, and http://www.iri.org/resource/iri-releases-survey-cuban-public-opinion
[11] Here’s a list of their reports if you want to read such filth: 1999(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/1999/382.htm), 2000(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2000/wha/751.htm), 2001(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2001/wha/8333.htm), 2002(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2002/18327.htm), 2003(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2003/27893.htm), 2004(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41756.htm), 2005(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2005/61723.htm), 2006(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2006/78887.htm), 2007(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2007/100635.htm), 2008(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2008/wha/119155.htm), 2009(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2009/wha/136108.htm), 2010(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2010/wha/154501.htm), 2011(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2011humanrightsreport/index.htm?dlid=186505#wrapper), 2012(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2012humanrightsreport/index.htm?year=2012&dlid=204441), 2013(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/humanrightsreport/index.htm?year=2013&dlid=220434), 2014(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/2014humanrightsreport/index.htm?year=2014&dlid=236680#wrapper), and 2015(http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/humanrightsreport/index.htm?year=2015&dlid=253005#wrapper).
[12] The truth is that we will never truly know, without Freedom of Information (FOIA) requests, who USAID’s grantees are, for the most part. They are basically secret as these two documents show (see here and here). It is true that there is some transparency on this government site, but still not every grantee is revealed. In a chart on the last page of a GAO report it was revealed that USAID, from the period of 1998 to 2005, gave Center for a Free Cuba over $8.3 million, the Directorate over $6.2 million, Grupo de Apoyo a la Democracia Inc. [Support Group for Democracy Inc.] over $8.4 million, and Accion Democracia Cubana Inc. [Cuban Democracy Action] over $1.3 million. So, it is possible they received USAID funding, but only a FOIA request could prove if this is more than a hunch. However, they have CLEARLY participated in destabilization efforts. As they noted on their own website, they have reached “out to the dissident community…USAID has helped train hundreds of journalists over the last decade whose work has appeared in major international news outlets” and current USAID partners are the International Republican Institute [$3 million from 2012 to 2016] and Grupo de Apoyo o la Democracia [$3 million from 2012 to 2015].”
[13] The story of ZunZuneo and the USAID’s denials is almost hilarious. There’s USAID’s supposed “eight facts”, defending the program as supposedly creating a “platform for Cubans to speak freely among themselves, period” and that USAID’s work on this was “not secret, it is not covert, nor is it undercover.” A report by the Inspector General of USAID admits that ZunZuneo was meant to support “civil society, “was designed…to foster democracy,” and claims that AP was wrong, but also: “the grantee—concerned about the risk that the Cuban Government would discover the U.S. Government’s involvement and shut down the project—took action to conceal the origin of funds and ownership of the platform. Without identifying financial support to sustain ZunZuneo, the project ended in August 2012” and had a number of minor problems. Back to the point of USAID that they claimed they were transparent about ZunZuneo. According to the public data, there is a grant to a “Support Group for Democracy” from Grupo de Apoyo a la Democracia, Inc to “add incremental funding to support human rights” which lasted from September 2010-September 2012, but this isn’t it. I looked for all programs ending in August 2012 and I couldn’t find one and no results came up when searching for ZunZuneo, so I don’t know what they mean by transparency. I think they are lying when it comes to transparency.
[14] In the 2012 reports, as linked in note 13, and onward, Cuba was called an “authoritarian” state rather than a “totalitarian” one as in all reports previous to this. In contrast, USAID, as recent as this year, has it declared on their website the following: For more than 50 years, Cubans have lived under a totalitarian regime that has severely restricted fundamental freedoms, repressed political opponents, and violated human rights.” Similarly, in a 422-page report, it was noted that “…the United States can help the Cuban people bring about an expeditious end of the Castro dictatorship…part of America’s commitment to stand with the Cuban people against the tyranny of Fidel Castro’s regime…The Castro dictatorship has been able to maintain its repressive grip on the Cuban people…isolate the Castro regime…In concert with efforts to strengthen Cuban civil society, and building on the excellent work already underway by U.S. Government broadcasting entities, the means exist to increase the availability to the Cuban people of reliable information on events in Cuba and around the world and to assist in the effort to present a democratic alternative to the failed policies of the Castro regime…U.S. initiatives should maintain avenues by which Americans can engage the Cuban people…Cuba presents itself internationally as a prime tourist destination, as a center for bio-technological innovation, and as a successful socialist state…The Castro dictatorship is pursuing every means at its disposal to survive and perpetuate itself…Cuba’s transition from the Castro regime to a democratic society with a free economy will be a challenging process.” To me, this indicates right then and there, plainly as anyone can see that the US is backing the Cuban opposition which it claims are almost like freedom fighters. To say they aren’t backing the opposition is to be a bad liar.
[15] This sentence is based off quotes from actual documents. In one document, the US State Department declared that “as the only dictatorship and closed society in the Western Hemisphere, Cuba lies at the core of NED’s attention.” In the 2001 annual report, NED declared that “in Cuba, the independent, pro-democracy movement has continued to expand and deepen despite severe repression.” In the 2000 annual report, NED declared that “the Castro regime stepped up its repression of independent civic actors.” In their 1999 report, NED declared that “despite the challenges of and barriers to working within a closed, totalitarian system, over the past seven years NED developed a program that supports a wide variety of independent social actors inside of Cuba, from human rights activists to independent farmers…NED’s work in Cuba began primarily with support for dissidents and human rights activists on the island…a totalitarian state.” In their 1997 report, NED declared that Cuba was “the Hemisphere’s only totalitarian state…significant NED funds were devoted in attempts to break the state monopoly on information and transmit news from the island.” In their 1996 report, NED declared that “Cuba is…the glaring exception to democratic trends.” In their 1995 report, NED declared that “Cuba was the most notable exception…[our funded groups] have overcome the determined efforts of the regime to eliminate them.” In their 1994 report, NED declared that “the Endowment continued to place a high priority on promoting peaceful transition in Cuba.” In their 1993 report, NED declared that “Cuba and Mexico were high priorities for the Endowment.” In their 1992 report, NED declared that there were “remaining authoritarian holdouts, notably Cuba.” In their 1991 report, NED declared that Cuba was “Latin America’s only closed society.”
[16] This sentence is based on two statements of Donahue. The first is a speech in April 2015 when he declared: “…it’s imperative that the Cuban government act quickly to reform its economy and improve its human rights record…Here’s what we really need: We need more trade and investment—operating under transparent and reliable rules—that leverages our strengths, capitalizes on our opportunities, helps us overcome our common challenges, and commits us to relentlessly pursue the one thing we need most—economic growth.” The second is a speech in December 2014 saying that there should be steps to allow “opportunities for free enterprise to flourish” and that “it is imperative that the Cuban government build on today’s positive steps with a more ambitious economic reform agenda at home, while we continue to push for the end of the embargo here in Washington. The Chamber and its members stand ready to assist as the Cuban people work to unleash the power of free enterprise to improve their lives.”
[17] Everything after this sentence comes from quotes and summaries of this USAID report.
[18] There’s one report, by the Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba, with Colin Powell as its chairman. In this May 2004 report, which is addressed to the President, Colin Powell has the first word, declaring that “Cuba alone among the nations of Americas is a dictatorship…We want to help the Cuban people put Castro and Castroism behind them forever,” explains the requirements of the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act of 1996, that a post-communist government only received US aid if it “legalizes all political activity, releases all political prisoners, publicly commits to organizing free and fair elections within 18 months, and bars Fidel and Raul Castro from any role in a future government.” Basically this means that the socialist system in Cuba would be utterly destroyed. Powell also claims that “in Cuba’s transition to democracy, we envision and welcome an active role for the Cuban American community” with these horrid exiles “able to provide valuable insights, as well as business acumen and capital, as the citizens of Cuba work to repair the devastation done to the Cuban society and economy by more than forty years of communism.” What he is saying is complete crap and what he mentions about the 1996 law is utterly haunting.
[19] This report is one of the worst by the Cuban Transition Project. Not only are they calling for low wages, but they said point-blank that “painful, though necessary, adjustments in the transition to a market economy should not be delayed because some individuals may be unduly hurt.” The fact that they don’t care if people are hurt, then this just shows how heartless these people are.
[20] Yet again, USAID has a disclaimer (“The opinions expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID”) but that doesn’t matter, because regardless of whether they reflect the views of USAID, what is said in this report and many others are principles which are pushed by the US government and corresponding elites. If this wasn’t the case then USAID wouldn’t have funded the Cuban Transition Project in the first place.
[21] One GAO report claims that “Cuban law prohibits citizens from cooperating with U.S. democracy assistance activities authorized under the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act, punishable with prison terms of up to 20 years” with the Cuban government accusing “some of these individuals [named in the report] of receiving assistance from USAID grantees.” The report is also revealing in noting in a sense why USAID is so secretive: “Grantee reluctance to share information with other grantees because of concerns about potential Cuban government infiltration of grantee operations. USAID and grantee concerns that sensitive agency records could be disclosed in response to Freedom of Information Act requests.” All in all, this says to me that USAID doesn’t want to be transparent because they are afraid it will disrupt their imperial destabilization.
[22] In the appendix of this report there is an “Outline of a Program for the Restoration of Property Rights by a Democratic Cuban Government” which is 17 pages long, showing that they don’t like the current system of property in Cuba and want something that will favor Western business.
[23] This report is so bad its almost worth laughing at. First off all, Ratliff declares that “Mao Zedong, who denied the realities of human nature and economic common sense, left China in an economic crisis when he died in 1976.” Sounds like a guy who has lived under a rock for too long. He then “predicts” what a post-Castro Cuba would look like, claiming also that “both Castro and Mao were hard-core anti-Marxists” and engaged in “militant anti-Marxism,” whatever the heck that means. Anyway, he goes on to claim that Castro has “long-standing antimarket, egalitarian principles,” argues basically that social programs in Cuba should be cutted, claims like many bourgeois analysis that “the embargo is in many respects a boon to Castro.” He does note at the end that “the U.S. government will have to weigh what is to be gained and/or lost by cooperating or rejecting cooperation with an authoritarian government in the immediate post-Fidel period. Cooperation, should that occur, will require compromises by all involved parties.” In a sense that doesn’t make much sense either.
[24] Elsewhere during her remarks for the 2013 Democracy Award> she declared: “We need to stop this repression. I’m sure that Harold would also receive this prize as a recognition of the rights of all Cubans to live in a free country.”
[25] In 2009, NED held an event for the Democracy Award where these five people spoke, with one of them writing an article titled “A Word from the Opposition” in the January 2009 issue of the Journal of Democracy, and there was an event moderated by NED’s Director for Latin America and the Caribbean Miriam Kornblith titled “Toward a Free Cuba: the Prospect for Democracy after 50 Years of Dictatorship.” Also that year, the Journal of Democracy examined political and social trends in Cuba (with Eusebio MujalLeón, Jorge Luis García Pérez “Antúnez,” and Carl Gershman and Orlando Gutierrez— January.” Both are definitely telling. There is also an IRI interview with this Antunez guy, with some hilariously calling him the “Cuban Nelson Mandela” considering that Mandela was wiling to use violence (some even complained that he had renounced it) and, as noted on Orchestrated Pulse, Mandela was imprisoned because, while commander of the insurgent wing of the ANC, he supported violence and sabotage…If we really want to reflect on Mandela’s life, we are going to have to acknowledge the role of revolutionary violence in the anti-apartheid movement…Nelson Mandela was indeed an exceptional man, but let us forever remember him as a rebel, not just a president.  Let’s embrace the truth about his lifelong struggle against apartheid, and fully honor his many sacrifices.”
[26] In 2011, NED honored, in their words, “Laura Pollán, the founder of Cuba’s Las Damas de Blanco (The Ladies in White)…The ceremony included a video link to Laura’s husband and daughter in Cuba, as well as remarks from Members of Congress Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL), Howard Berman (D-CA), Albio Sires (D-NJ) and Sen. Robert Menendez (D-NJ). The Medal was accepted by Yolanda Huerga on behalf of Las Damas de Blanco.” If that’s not significant, I don’t know what is. This was also noted in the NED’s president’s report that year.
[27] Eerily enough Gershman predicts/foresees this scenario in part in his speech in which he says: “if the regime amends its laws to hold an election after Castro steps down in 2018, then let us insist that it be a real election, free and fair, with the opposition being able to organize and campaign, with a level playing field, and with the whole process monitored by international observers…Cuban democrats deserve the support of the global democracy movement.  Because of the poisonous role that Cuba has played in international politics for more than half a century, a democratic breakthrough in Cuba will have a very broad impact.” If that doesn’t sound hostile to the current Cuban government and calling for destabilization, I don’t know what is.
[28] This is based off what Gershman declared in a horrid Washington Post piece recently. As for the link about CDRs, what it says about the CDRs counters his obvious hate: “Seeking to shape a new society, the government strongly fostered cooperative activities in neighborhoods and in the work place. Neighbors cleaned up streets and parks, encouraged recycling of materials, and helped in mass vaccination campaigns. Workers built housing units next to their work places. Committees for the Defense of the Revolution were formed in each neighborhood to ensure that all activities were focused on the preservation of the Revolution’s gains.” That doesn’t sound like a bad idea after all to be honest. After all, there is evidence that CDRs have worked to confront medical outbreaks, and maybe inspired Correa in Ecuador to defend his leftist government by having local committees formed to defend the revolution.
[29] The words “harsh dictatorship” are based on what he said in a 2008 report (“…an international campaign for human rights in Cuba…Harsh dictatorships such as those in North Korea Burma, North Korea, Cuba, and Zimbabwe have demonstrated a ruthless ability to hold onto power despite the suffering and economic devastation  they have inflicted on their respective populations”), a 2005 message(“…dictatorships like Cuba, Burma, North Korea, and Syria”), a 2009 message (“Cuba is another vulnerable dictatorship, with an aging and ideologically exhausted leadership, a failed economy, and a growing grassroots opposition movement of young people, women, workers and intellectuals, as well as the marginalized Afro-Cubans who comprise a majority of the population), a 2013 message (“It has not been just dictatorships like China and Cuba that have mounted this resistance, but also partially-open, hybrid states like Venezuela and Azerbaijan where regimes use formal democratic procedures to legitimate authoritarian power…the Campaign for Another Cuba”). The evidence shows that the PRI dictatorship in Mexico wasn’t completely eliminated by the 2000 presidential elections anyhow and that many elements remain. One could argue that the Mexican government still is authoritarian. Others have fell in line with Gershman. These included Samuel Huntington, who, on pages 21-22 of the Journal of Democracy in Spring 1999, claimed Cuba the movement toward “democracy” “might occur in Cuba” if the Soviet Union stopped giving aid, which didn’t happen, and that Cuba was a “Marxist-Leninist regime…produced by [a] home-grown revolution” (21-2). A NED strategy document in 2012 also said the following “NED will continue and, wherever possible, increase its support to democrats in countries such as Burma, Cuba, China, and Uzbekistan, improving their access to information and expanding political space…Over the years, it has not only assisted exile groups but also developed effective ways, consistent with the requirements of grant oversight, to provide concrete support to activists working inside the toughest dictatorships – countries such as Burma, China, Cuba, and Uzbekistan.” Then there’s a NED report on Russia from last year that declare that “aside from outliers such as Cuba, North Korea, and Turkmenistan, today’s authoritarian regimes don’t seek total media domination. Instead they opt for ‘effective media control’—enough for them to convey their strength and puff up their claims to legitimacy while undermining potential alternatives.”
[30] What I’m referring to here is their sponsors, who funds them, which is noted in the following links: https://web.archive.org/web/20160330190054/http://www.ned.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/2013-sponsors.pdfhttps://web.archive.org/web/20160330181607/http://www.ned.org/docs/11annual/NED-2011-Annual-Report-Sponsors.pdfhttps://web.archive.org/web/20160330182031/http://www.ned.org/wp-content/uploads/Sponsors2010.pdfhttps://web.archive.org/web/20160330183028/http://www.ned.org/wp-content/uploads/sponsors09.pdfhttps://web.archive.org/web/20160330183555/http://www.ned.org/wp-content/uploads/annualreports/2008/PDFs/AR_Sponsors08.pdfhttps://web.archive.org/web/20160330183924/http://www.ned.org/wp-content/uploads/annualreports/2007/PDFs/AR_Sponsors07.pdfhttps://web.archive.org/web/20160330184323/http://www.ned.org/wp-content/uploads/annualreports/2006/sponsors06.pdfhttps://web.archive.org/web/20160330184629/http://www.ned.org/wp-content/uploads/annualreports/2005/sponsors05.pdf
[31] He also claimed that “we want to be – and always will be – an independent country, and we do not wish to live any other way. But we also do not know how to – nor can we, nor do we want to – live without freedom. We never chose this regime that oppresses us and leaves us without rights…No tyrannical power, nor group of powers, can make us abandon this path…If you wish to support our people, support with your voice and with your heart the path of peace and reconciliation that leads us unmistakably to freedom and to the rights that we Cubans want for ourselves.” As anyone knows, this is total bullshit.
[32] Weber, Cynthia. Faking It: U.S. Hegemony in a “Post-Phallic” Era. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999. 19. Weber also writes in her strange, and somewhat interesting queer theory book that imperial domination lasted since “U.S. victory in the Spanish-American War of 1898…which for a short time made Cuba a territory of the United States, the United States shaped Cuba militarily (by military rule from 1899 to 1902), politically (with Cuban constitutions simulating that of the United States), and economically (through a reciprocal economic treaty).” She also noted that “there is another side to Cuba, that of U.S. complement. In this respect, Cuba appeared in the U.S. imaginary not just as a lesser feminized copy of America but as iconically feminine.” I won’t get into her interpretations of certain aspects of U.S. foreign policy in ways that still confuse me and seem weird, but I think she is completely right about imperialist domination, which is why I use her in this article.

Feeling a “Berning” dose of honesty

berniemainmillen

Editor’s note: This is a speech Bernie Sanders would give if he was honest about his record and his his run for president. I wrote this to set the record straight, not to expand on my articles about mass surveillance and a criticism of Ta-Nehisi Coates. Some may cry that Sanders is a social democrat and that he should be supported for U.S. President even though he is within the capitalist Democratic Party but I refuse to acquiesce to that position whatsoever. This is not intended to be pro-Killary piece either, for those Sanders supporters trolling the net. This is not a manifestation of my personal view, by my interpretation of what Sanders would say, hypothetically at times. There may be some aspects that I would say otherwise, but all in all, it is my interpretation of Sanders.

Hello fellow capitalists,

The one-man political revolution has reached its end. I am glad that the group, Capitalists for Bernie hosted this event. I won’t let you down one bit. I will do everything in my power to listen to the concerns of the well-to-do, the ruling capitalist class of the United States! (wild cheers from audience). Hillary Clinton may have been funded by all of you, but I intend to work with you as much as I can in my capacity as President.

You may remember in my campaign I had that promise of free college tuition. I must remind you that my argument was that it would create strong economy, the best educated work force in the worldrebuild our middle class and allow the US to be “competitive in the global economy.” I also promised to expand programs like Pell Grants. As you may remember, my idea only applies to public colleges and universities, not to private ones. Additionally, even with a financial transaction tax, the cost of room and board and the cost of textbooks won’t be covered under my plan. All you will still be able to exploit students with high textbook prices and keep them in debt servitude. (wild cheers from audience). I announce today that my plan to make public colleges tuition-free will be paid not through a financial transaction tax as I claimed in my campaign but by seizing some of those frozen assets of the Russian government and keep those sanctions in place because the entire world has got to stand up to Putin! (cheers from audience).

As all of you know, we have to beat those Chinese with their market socialist system. Otherwise, we will be left in the dust, like a second-rate imperialist power. WE CANNOT LET THAT HAPPEN! (cheers from audience). My wife, Jane Sanders who was ousted from Burlington College, for unknown reasons, leaving the college in a state of near financial collapse. Even we sink deep into debt, just like that college, I can assure you that like my wife, any college presidents fired will receive a $200,000 severance package from the federal government. We’ll just steal some of Russia’s oil and sell it on the world market. Otherwise we are nothing better than television ad buyers who get $30,000 in commissions each year. Regardless, we will make sure that the status quo in the education system remains in place, stopping people with force who try to confront presidents of their colleges or demand policy reforms. All of you can get your money from private security contracts to defend the colleges of this country from these pesky types, you know who they are. (cheers from audience).

On the campaign trail I said that I was a democratic socialist. But anyone who knows, I’m a social democrat, not a socialist. All of you know that the talk of socialism was just a facade. It might have punctured a few times, like when I called the late Hugo Chavez, a man who loved the poor with all of his heart, a dead communist dictator but the Sandersnistas or Bernie Bros believed it without question. How dumb they were, that they bought into that lie. Weren’t they so naive? (laughs from the audience).

As you all know, I have supported neoliberal policies more than my loyal supporters would admit. I voted to deregulate derivatives two times, once in October 2000 and another time in December of that year. I’m glad to have served all of you and voted to create an unregulated derivatives market despite the threats to the overall U.S. economy. I also voted not that long ago for an extension of the harsh neoliberal African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) which really does, as the Intternational Trade Administration put it, offer tangible incentives for African countries to continue their efforts to open their economies and build free markets. I’m glad to play my part to open the U.S. market to African products and continue in the NAFTA tradition, to strengthen the hand of transnational corporations, while simultaneously restricting the ability of host countries to tax them. I may have voted against a number of free trade agreements in the past, like the one with South Korea, and even the Export-Import Bank, but  I’m definitely not going to pass off an initiative that was pushed by a coalition of U.S.-based multinational corporations, including oil companies. People might think I’m pretty progressive, but I’m willing to serve the capitalist class if it is in the national interest of the United States, especially if it benefits US-based companies! (cheers from audience).

I said earlier about supporting free tuition for public colleges. As a reminder, private colleges can continue to exploit people all they want and even expand. I’m not going to mess with their affairs. You can do what you want. (cheers from CEOs of private colleges). The media vetted me so horribly that they missed my support for neoliberal education reform, or neoliberal capture to be more accurate. It was great that the corporate media didn’t focus on this so the  general public and my supporters don’t realize my stance. So thank you. (corporate media CEOs stand and clap). I’ve supported the neoliberal No Child Left Behind initiative. In fact I voted for its first iteration back in 2001 (later I changed my mind). How my supporters could miss this is beyond me. (laughs from the audience). In 2012 I declared to your friend, Arne Duncan, that I supported the Race to the Top Program (RTTT), pushed by the previous administration, and the next year I again asserted my approval, saying that it would significantly improve early-childhood education in our state and better prepare our kids for school and the challenges and opportunities in life. I even called for NCLB “reform” which you all know was a joke, since while I claimed it would allow schools to move away from standardized testing, but it actually kept in place the RTTT program. I am aware that this program is the direct cause of our national wave of school closings and mass teacher firings from Philadelphia to Atlanta and Los Angeles to Rhode Island. But that’s the price you have to pay for neoliberalism. I know that my deluded supporters are too naive to see the reality that is staring them in the face. I hope this makes you happy, because I’m glad to be serving the capitalist class. (cheers from the audience).

I’m glad to play my part. My supporters probably will never investigate into my non-objections to Mickey Mouse Protection Act, which passed by voice vote or the Digital Millennium Copyright Act (DMCA), which also passed by voice vote, both parts of the modern US copyright regime. My social democracy includes, of course, protecting the intellectual property of multinational corporations from those nasty digital pirates. (cheers from audience). I’ve even voted for that American Taxpayer Relief Act which increased payroll raxes, extended numerous corporate tax breaks, and so on. I even voted to open up the Gulf of Mexico to more oil drilling when I voted FOR the U.S.-Mexico Transboundary Hydrocarbons Agreement.But hey, my supporters won’t remember this or my many other votes of vital importance, right? (laughs from audience).

I’m glad to do my part to protect the gun industry here in America. I know I get all of crap from those liberals for shielding gun manufacturers from lawsuits by gun violence victims, but I really do oppose federal firearms laws since this isn’t one of my major issues, after all. You may remember that I was the one to vote against the Brady Act. What good days those were. Some people said that the statement I made about difference between guns in Vermont and shootings in Chicago was a “dog whistle” that parroted points from the NRA. But let me make clear as I told Playboybackground checks won’t solve the problems we have with guns in America. Protecting gun manufacturers is as right as protecting those who make hammers. I refuse to apologize for that vote in 2005 to protect to the gun industry and I stand by it. I will support gun manufacturers from legal consequences for as long as I am in office! You’ll get your money’s worth! (cheers from audience)

And then we get to issues of race. Oh that’s been a big topic since those black women interrupted me in Seattle all those months ago. Gosh they were so rude. Their action was completely uncalled for. But hey I remedied it by meeting with that neoliberal activist, your friend, Deray, and I supported the confirmation of Loretta Lynch for an Attorney General. I know she made some harsh statements opposing marijuana legalization and so on, but hey, that’s politics. I might support decriminalizing marijuana, unless one of you has a better idea, but I definitely think that people who do hard drugs should be punished to the full extent of the law. You can count on me for that! The drug war will continue in a new form. It will not end! (cheers from audience).

Oh my record on race is so helpful to all of you, but my supporters have never recognized the reality. I did vote for the Clinton Crime Bill in 1994 and said that I regretted it. I am aware that it increased the size of the carceral state in the United States and has been broadly criticized, even giving money to states to incarcerate undocumented immigrants. While I oppose private prisons, and have talked about incarceration currently existing, I just want it to be a nicer form of imprisonment. In fact, I will replace those private prisons with public ones. All of you will be handsomely paid. (cheers from audience).

During the campaign I said that white people don’t know what its like to be poor and face police brutality. I basically said, in summary, that white people don’t know what its like to be in poor communities, experience police brutality, that the criminal justice system should be reformed, and that institutionalized racism must end. But that was all just for show. I was trying to appease the Black Lives Matter people, like the woman who challenged me. The truth is, regardless of those comments, I plan strengthen the police forces across this country with that supposed reform of body cameras so they keep in place the necessary status quo. We don’t want any riots like what happened in Baltimore or Ferguson. That would be bad for business, bad for all of you, bad for me. So help me by giving me the tools to expand their powers! (cheers from audience).

Oh and then there’s Sierra Blanca. My wife is still a Commissioner on the Texas Low-Level Radioactive Waste Commission, which dealt with this matter. I worked with George W. Bush, your friend, to send nuclear waste to a poor Latino community in Texas. I knew they wouldn’t fight back. When those pesky people of the Vermont chapter of the Sierra Club, a group that helps all of you from time to time, I rightly dismissed their concerns. I was aware that it was already a toxic waste dump and I told some activists that my position was unchanged. Ultimately it didn’t matter because it wasn’t even built there because of resident opposition and was put somewhere else instead. Some people even called my actions environmental racism, saying that I couldn’t be trusted because of it and that I made a cold political calculation that affected the lives of hundreds of poor people of color. The latter is preposterous. Still, I lied in saying that I was not personally responsible for sending nuclear waste to Sierra Blanca. Of course I was. I also knew the opposition in that area of the country existed and that there was an environmental justice aspect to the Sierra Blanca site. I’m glad my campaign said what I did because it was clearly threatening my progressive political brand. Any marketing executives that are here know that’s threats to a brand are a horrible thing. To be absolutely clear, I did support environmental racism in Sierra Blanca and I regret none of it. It was completely the right decision. (WE SUPPORT YOU, BERNIE bellows a group of capitalists).

Then we get to imperial foreign policy. I am glad that few recognized that I would leave in place the American empire. We all have to acknowledge it exists now. I’m still leaving Guantanamo Bay Prison (Gitmo) open, which is only a part of the total base there. I even voted against closing it in 2009 but my loyal supporters will never bring that up. How deluded they are. (audience laughs). Before I get to my support for militarism and how I want to maintain this imperial presence, I must outline my support for the Zionist cause. US imperialism has to bolster settler colonialism in Israel, otherwise it isn’t worth anything. Then all of you can get your money from what’s going on there and I can support you in that effort. Sound good to all of you? (A resounding YES! from the audience).

Before going on, I must make it clear that I’m as pro-Israel as they come. I believe in a  modified form of Zionism, Labor Zionism to be exact. Anyway, there was some petition going around from those pesky pro-Palestinian activists, who aren’t too radical, which greatly helps our cause. Anyway, some news outlets reported on that speech I didn’t “give” to AIPAC and said that I wasn’t there in person because I was campaigning in western states. That’s true. I’ll never turn my back on AIPAC. No way in the world. I respect them as an organization, fully and truly. I never was really against Netanyahu’s speech to Congress, I just opposed it on procedural grounds. As a reminder I didn’t object to the support for Israel missile “defense” program, tested in an assault on Palestinians in 2014 and later sold to Indiathe Iron Dome. I also helped the cause of Zionists by shouting down pro-Palestinian voices in a summer 2014 town hall as videos far and wide across YouTube stand to show. I also supported Israel in a resolution in summer 2014 and didn’t object to the United States-Israel Partnership Act of 2014.

Most importantly was the speech I would have given to AIPAC. I may have said some things that shook the current status quo, but I am clearly a friend of Israel. I think there should be a nicer form of settler colonialism in place that takes away the right of armed self-defense by Palestinians, keeps that never-ending “peace process” going and ending some of the more brutal assaults by Israel but doing it in a nicer fashion. Additionally, I firmly oppose Hamas, think that hideous monster called ISIS must be destroyed by any means necessary, especially by helping US imperial proxies, Muslim authoritarian states like Jordan, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, to fight for the soul of Islam. In that speech let me remind you that I claimed, for public relations purposes that the US is not the policeman of the world when we all know what it is. I also touted the success of US interventionism citing the success in 1990 Gulf War, said that Assad should be removed from power, and opposed Iran’s power grabs in the region. I even said that war against Iran would be on the table, along with sanctions if they don’t comply with what the empire wants. We can’t let them threaten our interests either when they intersect with Israel or with our imperial hegemony. Otherwise our imperial position in the Middle East would be compromised and that would be disastrous. We must maintain imperialism in the Middle East by all necessary means, even it means more debt! (cheers from audience).

Before I get to my endorsement of imperial destabilization of those pesky rogue states that threaten our honored empire, I must remind all of you of my militaristic credibility. While I called out repeatedly Pentagon waste, all of you know full well that I support a strong military. What that means in real terms is that I think a huge war machine is a good thing, a thing which can defend the world since the empire is already tied to so many countries economically and legally obligated to protect 25% of the world as even the Washington Post noted. First and foremost I must say that I do not oppose the wonderful global assassination program, the drone program. I just want selective and effective strikes. More exact killings for a more dangerous age. I know it leads to blowback, but I think the US should defend itself from terrorism but not get those Constitution-loving freaks mad about us violating their civil liberties. That would not be good. I may not support ground troops to fight ISIS, but I think that there should be Saudi forces fighting as US proxies, along with other countries. I will continue the efforts of the previous administration to bomb ISIS, which I have called in the past, a fanatical and brutal organization, which is a danger to the region and the world. We need more airstrikes like the ones I supported in the past to continue this new war. I also must remind all of you that I fully and completely support the imperial occupation of Afghanistan. There is no need to withdraw from a country we are currently exploiting. I think all of you will agree with that. I will do everything in my power to stop China gaining influence in that country. I can assure you of that. (wild cheers from audience).

As a reminder, let me go through my pro-war record. I said in the campaign that I voted against the Iraq war in 2002. That is true and I think it was a mistake and a dumb war just like a young Obama said at the time. Let’s start with Bosnia. At the time I voted in favor of “peacekeeping operations” in Kosovo and in favor of missile strikes against Yugoslavia. I even said on the House floor point-blank the following: “I have supported the NATO bombings of military targets” in Bosnia. I stand by that decision. I know I lost some supporters from endorsing the destruction of Yugoslavia in a 78 day bombing campaign which drenched Serbia in depleted uranium. But who cares. This war was important in setting a precedent for the wonderful humanitarian imperialists like your good friend, Samantha Power, as used in the Libyan war of 2011 to rid the country of the that brutal socialist dictator, Gaddafi. If he had just been neoliberal then I would have been fine with him. But, no, he had to be a socialist. How despicable. Anyway, I know there was the creation of a humanitarian pretext for intervention in Bosnia, that it was just part of a  way to create favorable conditions for corporate profit-making. I’m also aware that calling this war humanitarian is a big joke since it was really, as we all know, about maintaining its imperial dominance, with the humanitarian guise part of a broader propaganda offensive, with a similar approach used in the Libyan war, since the US basically oversaw the most massive acts of ethnic cleansing to occur during the Bosnian war. But can you blame me? I had the war fever. Supporting imperialism is my lifeblood and it will stay that way as long as I hold this office of the presidency! (cheers from audience).

To close out this section I must remind my audience here today at this event, hosted by my wonderful friends, Capitalists for Bernie, about my support for the Iraq Liberation Act in 1998. I voted for this law, which was about liberating Iraqis from a brutal dictator, Saddam Hussein. Perhaps we had supported that dictator when it was convenient and perhaps he had made progress in some some domains. Still, Clinton was right to sign the legislation into law, pushed by the Republican Congress at the time. Not Hillary Clinton, but your friend Bill. (laughs from audience). There is no doubt that Hussein had weapons of mass destruction back then. We are sure of it. We can’t forget how Senator Sam Brownback used it to advocate for bringing capitalism to Iran, and how it was used to argue for the Iraq War in 2003, even by George W. Bush himself that year. Even in the preamble to the 2002 bill for the war’s authorization, the law was cited. While the Iraq Liberation Act was the prelude to a war I voted against, I can’t regret giving Iraqi opposition groups millions of dollars so they could make the Middle East that much better for our existing empire.

Finally let me mention two things. For one, I voted in favor of the imperial Afghan war in 2001. I don’t regret that one bit. Let me also remind you that in 2011 I said that we couldn’t withdraw all of our troops immediately and that our men and women fighting overseas for empire, fighting for all of you, are doing a tremendous job under very difficult circumstances, since we need a victory over the Taliban, those horrid monsters. Many years later, I voted to expand the intelligence apparatus. This was a law that created the position of the Director of National Intelligence, the National Counterterrorism Center, and many other anti-terror institutions, while expanding punishment for those accused of terrorism. I even defended the Department of Homeland Security when it was at its weakest from those who wanted to deny it funding and voted to give it funding. Hey, I even told  Yahoo! News said that surveillance of “potential terrorists” is ok. I’m glad all of you heard this because you can know for certain that I support these efforts because I think social control for the capitalist class by the federal government is important in these trying times of need. (wild applause, standing ovation by audience)

Let me move onto a vital subject of importance. I am in favor of imperial destabilization of rogue nations across the world that threaten not only the national cohesiveness of our grand empire but your financial assets. I have said before that we are an oligarchy. But let me be even more specific. As a capitalist government, we will protect you, the capitalist class, even if we claim to be a democracy, since we are really just a constitutional oligarchy, just no one really says it. (loud applause from audience).

Let me start with Cuba. In the past, I positively treated Cuba’s government. But that was when I was really a socialist, not like now when I head a government geared to protect your interests. As the available evidence shows, I support the democratic opposition to Cuba’s socialist government, headed currently by President Raul Castro and the Communist Party of Cuba. I know that the imperial machinations of empire such as USAID and NED, and other organs of empire, along with the allies in corporate publications ranging from the Washington Post to the New York Times call them democratic. But we all know, as USAID documents of the Cuban Transition Project have shown, the ultimate goal is to get in power a US-friendly government and privatize all the publicly-owned parts of Cuba’s economy, then destroy its socialist system. That way we can create a calm Caribbean that reflects a positive image of our empire, rather than a failing one that allows Cuba to withstand sustained assault from imperialists of the American empire since 1959. That is unacceptable. (wild applause from the audience).

I can also say that when this new government takes control we will find Assata Shakur and snatch her. We can’t let noble black liberationists make us look bad. This is why I voted to extradite her all these years ago. But few ever bring it up because it would ruin my public image. I thank my supporters for that.

There are other rogue states I want to eliminate as well. Let me make a comment first. The wonderful David Graeber, who is now my Secretary of State, once declared that he wasn’t pro-Assad and that Assad is the most murderous dictator on earth. After I found out about this statement I applauded him and realized he would make a great fit for the empire after reading his other statements, including his tweets. Some may say he is radical for his role in the Occupy movement or his book on debt, but all in all, that movement was no communist or socialist uprising, it was just a progressive sputtering. The capitalist federal government can easily handle such puny efforts. It was crushed within a number of months and then there was a level of infighting, partially instigated by agents of this government to protect, all of you, the capitalist class. (applause from audience).

The Occupy movement is so discredited now, that even publications like Adbusters, that started this supposed revolution, are a joke in and of themselves. It is good to see this outcome. In order to complement this, I appointed all the major players in those circles, ranging from a moderately successful writer, Charles Davis, a white female artist, Molly Crabapple, and Gary, the Human Rights Watcher, to high levels in my administration. They will all be vital in maintaining the glorious empire we have created. They did their part before in promoting our initiatives, serving as imperial agents whether they wanted to or not, but now they can directly serve the empire in all of their capacities. (standing ovation and applause from audience).

I fully support the imperial destabilization of Syria’s socially democratic government. As I said earlier, I am a social democrat, but I am also a fully-blooded imperialist. All of you know that, but my supporters have often forgot this, living in the land of delusion so long that they’ll just become mindless zombies for my cause, which is exactly what I want. Anyway, I think that Assad is a terrible dictator at war with his own people and that we need to provide arms to the Kurds while making sure they support our imperial cause in the future, without having perpetual war of a bad kind. Just like my combative attitude toward Russia, the record shows time and time again that I support the Syrian opposition. I know that it is hard to tell who is in the opposition at times, but I think it is clear that Assad must be eliminated at all costs and that the socially democratic elements of the Syrian constitution must be removed. That way all of you here today and many others will get a chance to exploit Syrians and create a whole new market. When this new government takes power I will make sure, in all of my efforts as President, that this comes to fruition. I will not fail you. (thunderous applause from the audience).

The methods of imperial destabilization have worked in Venezuela. If a socialist government takes power in Venezuela again then it will be time to, as I have said in the past, cut ourselves loose of oil from that country. As the record shows, I have time, time, and time again not objected to bills to destabilize the then-socialist government. Now that the former socialist government is in the opposition and former right-wing opposition is now in power, the capitalist federal government of the United States can help Venezuela. We will use every means possible to push Madero out of power. If this means violent means, then all be it. The Venezuelan government can and should be a plaything of empire. That way Venezuela, like Syria, can become another market for wonderful capitalists like yourselves. I would have it no other way. (loud applause from audience).

There is one more rogue state that must be taken care of: North Korea or the DPRK. This anti-imperialist haven and socialist state has stopped US imperialism for too long. The sanctions on this country, which I support, must remain. However, this country, which I classify as a belligerent totalitarian state of hideous proportions must be dealt with first through diplomatic means coupled with efforts by the CIA, USAID, and NED to fund opposition in the country in order to undermine the regime. After all of those diplomatic means have been exhausted or when they threaten a vital imperial interest of the United States or its corporate partners, we will launch a full-scale invasion of North Korea by the US military. If we are ultimately successful then a US-friendly government will take power in North Korea, helping capitalists like those here today. I can tell you that destabilizing this rogue state and installing a US-friendly, pro-market regime will be one of our top foreign policy priorities. I can assure you of that 100%. (loud applause by audience).

There is one last country I wish to touch on: communist China. I have said in the past that we should avoid a cold war with China like that with the Soviet Union but that the US should support those elements in China fighting for a democratic society. What I mean by this is that the capitalist US government must support the opposition to the communist one-party regime in place. (applause by audience). In the past, I have used China either as a foil to promote protectionism, that we must beat them at their own game, called them out as a Communist totalitarian society, or called out their unfair trade policies.  But that’s not all, of course.

The voting record on bills of interest, noted in Table A-2 on the site of the State Department, shows my record. In 1999, I ultimately voted for the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2000, even though I originally voted against it, a bill which gave millions of dollars to support Tibetan anti-communist resistance, support NED initiatives to foster democracy in China, and for more intelligence on their dealings. In 2000, I voted against normal trade with China since I didn’t want trade with a communist country. In 2001, in a number of different roll calls, throughout the year, I voted for a law which gave millions upon millions of dollars to support democracy, human rights, and much more within China’s borders. I must regret my vote in 2003 on one occasion and another to vote against a bill that provided more money for NED to destabilize China. But that bill was crap and I didn’t like it one bit. However, I recovered lost ground the next year by voting twice in favor, in one roll call then another, for a law that gave money for a Political Prisoner Database and at least $19 million to support democracy and human rights in China. In 2005 I voted in one roll call after another for a law to fund Tibetan anti-communist development and resistance, consisting of hundreds of thousands of dollars in human rights and democracy programs by NED.  In 2007, I continued this trend voting twice, at one time and then another for a bill that gave millions upon millions to fund democracy and rule of law programs, along with other support for the Chinese opposition. In 2009, I again voted to fund Tibetan anti-communist resistance as a consolidated bill showed. Also that year I had no objection to a law that gave millions to distribute propaganda concerning the environment, governance, transparency, and corruption within the borders of the communist Chinese beast.

I am hopeful that this record convinces you that I am supportive of imperial destabilization of China in its current form. Seeing the Chinese state media portray our glorious empire so badly by criticism after criticism makes me seethe everytime. I am glad to report that the Chinese government has fulfilled our imperial aims by siding with our efforts to sanction North Korea to death in an effort of destabilization. Still, I will commit here and now to putting in place a friendlier government in China and undermining the Chinese communist party and its market socialist system by any means necessary. That way all of you wonderful capitalists can have a share of the wealth and exploit a whole new market of consumers even more effectively. (wild cheers from audience).

To close out this speech, I must thank the Capitalists for Bernie group for hosting this event. If you had not secretly funneled money to my campaign disguised as numerous individual contributions to make me seem like a grassroots candidate, then I would not be President today. I’d also like to thank my undying supporters, people who rarely ever questioned me or my brand of politicking. I’d also like to thank the corporate media for helping the general public not know that I am an imperialist who willingly support the capitalist class, and instead painting me as some populist who will save the day. With that God Bless America and God Bless this Glorious American Empire.